{"id":41295,"date":"2026-06-18T14:14:59","date_gmt":"2026-06-18T11:14:59","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/?p=41295"},"modified":"2026-06-18T14:17:49","modified_gmt":"2026-06-18T11:17:49","slug":"41295","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html","title":{"rendered":"New Pathways to Obscuring the Truth: Egyptian Family Values as a Justification for Publication Ban"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><span style=\"color: #800000;\">Research paper by: Mahmoud Abdelzaher<\/span><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #800000;\"><strong>Contents<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<p><strong>Methodology<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Introduction<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>First: Publication Bans Tied to Investigation and Trial Proceedings under Egyptian Law<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Second: Egyptian Family Values as a \u201cNew\u201d Justification for Publication Ban Orders<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Third: How Do Publication Bans Violate Fundamental Rights?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Conclusion and Recommendations<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong><span style=\"color: #800000;\">Methodology<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n<p>This paper analyzes the legislative provisions regulating publication bans tied to investigation and trial proceedings under the Penal Code and the Code of Criminal Procedure, as well as Article 25 of the Anti-Cyber and Information Technology Crimes Law No. 175 of 2018. It compares the substance of these provisions against the actual practice of the judiciary and the Public Prosecution, taking the publication ban orders issued by the Public Prosecutor on the pretext of \u201cprotecting family values\u201d as a case study. It then compares the Public Prosecution\u2019s approach with other local and Arab examples that have handled such sensitive cases in a manner that safeguards the media\u2019s right to publish and citizens\u2019 right to know, while at the same time protecting the privacy and dignity of victims.<\/p>\n<p>The paper draws on primary sources, namely the texts of the aforementioned laws and the Public Prosecution\u2019s publication ban orders, in addition to a number of secondary sources, such as legal scholarship and human rights reports and studies relevant to its subject.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #800000;\"><strong>Introduction<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<p>In mid-April 2026, the Public Prosecution announced via its official Facebook page that it had issued an arrest warrants for an unspecified number of individuals, on the grounds that they had breached a publication ban issued by the Public Prosecution itself several days prior to the arrest warrant, in connection with ongoing investigations into four cases currently under investigation. The first and second cases concern the rape of two sisters by their uncle; the first is case number 2094 of 2026 Shebin El Kom criminal court, and the second is case number 3743 of 2026 Shebin El Kom Misdemeanours Court. While the third case concerns an incident in which a father and grandfather sexually assaulted a young girl before killing her; that is case No. 3015 of 2026, Al-Shuhada Misdemeanours court. The final case is numbered 3764 of 2026 Administrative court of Sidi Gaber, and concerns the suicide of a woman who threw herself from the balcony of a building in the Sidi Gaber district of Alexandria.<\/p>\n<p>In a post on its official Facebook page, the Public Prosecution justified the publication ban on these cases, stating that their widespread circulation on social media platforms \u201cdamages the image of Egyptian society, does not reflect the statistical reality of such crimes, and has negative repercussions on the values of the Egyptian family\u201d.<a href=\"#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\"><sup>[1]<\/sup><\/a> This marks the first time such language has been used as a stated justification for decisions to impose publication bans on cases currently under investigation.<\/p>\n<p>The paper is based on the principle that judicial proceedings are, by their very nature, public, as stipulated in the Constitution, and that any concealment or withholding of such information requires a legal justification. This paper seeks to discuss publication bans relating to investigative and trial proceedings under Egyptian law, focusing on the justifications put forward by the Public Prosecution for imposing such bans in these cases and their relationship to the justifications set out in the Penal Code. It also discusses the Egyptian Public Prosecution\u2019s tendency to issue an increasing number of publication bans in cases involving serious crimes of violence against women and girls, based on a (new) justification not provided for in the Penal Code, namely the protection of \u2018Egyptian family values\u2019. This paper traces the term \u2018family values\u2019 within Egypt\u2019s legislative framework, from its first appearance in Article 25 of the Cybercrime Law No. 175 of 2018, through to the various courts\u2019 interpretations of this term when hearing cases involving attacks on family values in recent years. The paper also offers a critique of this approach, which stifles public debate on issues of violence against women, and highlights how such arbitrary decisions constitute a violation of citizens\u2019 human and constitutional rights.<\/p>\n<p>The paper concludes by proposing a framework for regulating publication bans during the investigation and trial phases, whilst emphasising which information can be strictly banned from publication in cases involving crimes of violence against women, in order to protect their personal safety and their right to privacy as victims.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #800000;\"><strong>First: The publication ban related to investigative and trial proceedings under Egyptian law<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<p>Before we discuss the publication ban related to investigation and trial proceedings, it is important to differentiate between two types of publication bans: the first is law-based publication ban, i.e one stipulated in specific laws that impose a comprehensive and absolute ban on the publication of certain data, information or documents. These laws regulate within themselves the procedure for obtaining special permission to override this ban, to consider a specific news item or statement, and the period after which the publication of the documents becomes permitted.<\/p>\n<p>Various Egyptian legislations contain dozens of applications for such kinds of publication bans, the one that does not require the issuance of a specific decision from any authority to take effect, as it comes into force automatically upon the enactment of the relevant legislation stating it. The most famous example of this kind is the general publication ban on all matters related to the armed forces, so it is not permitted to publish any news, data or documents related to the armed forces without a prior permit from the Military Intelligence Directorate of the Armed Forces.<a href=\"#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\"><sup>[2]<\/sup><\/a> Moreover, the penal code strictly prohibits the publication of any news concerning the investigations or proceedings in cases of divorce, legal separation or adultery.<a href=\"#_ftn3\" name=\"_ftnref3\"><sup>[3]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>Article 186 bis of the Penal Code also prohibits the filming or recording of trial sessions without a permission from the presiding judge. This ban does not pertain to publishing in the general sense, but only the filming or recording inside trial sessions without prior permission from the judge, and the publishing and broadcasting said recordings. As the article states that<\/p>\n<p>Without prejudice to any more severe penalty, any person who photographs or records words or clips, or broadcasts, publishes, or displays, by any means of publicity, the proceedings of a trial hearing allocated for the hearing of a criminal case without authorization from the president of the competent court after obtaining the opinion of the Public Prosecution, shall be punished by a fine of not less than one hundred thousand Egyptian pounds and not exceeding three hundred thousand Egyptian pounds. In addition, the court shall order the confiscation of the devices or other items used in, or resulting from, the offence, or the deletion or destruction of their contents, as the case may be. The fine shall be doubled in case of recidivism.<a href=\"#_ftn4\" name=\"_ftnref4\"><sup>[4]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>The Penal Code also bans the publication of<\/p>\n<p>matters likely to influence the judges entrusted with deciding a case pending before any judicial authority in the country, or to influence members of the judiciary, the Public Prosecution, or other officials entrusted with investigation, or to influence witnesses who may be summoned to testify in such case or investigation, or matters likely to prevent a person from providing information to the competent authorities, or to influence public opinion in favor of or against a party to the case or investigation.<a href=\"#_ftn5\" name=\"_ftnref5\"><sup>[5]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>Any breach of this provision is punishable by a fine of not less than one hundred thousand Egyptian pounds and not exceeding three hundred thousand Egyptian pounds. It is also prohibited to publish \u201cin the confidential deliberations of courts, or who dishonestly and maliciously publishes what took place in public court hearings.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn6\" name=\"_ftnref6\"><sup>[6]<\/sup><\/a> Any person who violates such prohibition shall be punished by imprisonment for a term not exceeding one year and by a fine of not less than five thousand Egyptian pounds and not exceeding ten thousand Egyptian pounds, or by either of these two penalties.<\/p>\n<p>The second kind is a publication ban related to the investigations and trials, and it is a publication ban issued by the investigation authority (the public prosecution or the investigation judge or the court that is hearing the case). This kind of publication ban can be defined as a \u201cdecision issued by the investigation authority or the court to prohibit the coverage of the incident in question in all media outlets\u201d.<a href=\"#_ftn7\" name=\"_ftnref7\"><sup>[7]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>This definition shows how legal literature dealt with the issue of publication bans, considering it a restriction relating to media outlets and press as the usual publication channels. However, the decision issued by the Public Prosecution and the investigation judges in recent years clearly state the extension of publication bans to include the internet and social media, recognising the fact that the influence, reach and impact of these channels on the public exceed those of traditional media outlets and the press.<\/p>\n<p>Article 190 of the Penal Code regulates the right of the various courts to impose an exceptional publication ban, stating: \u201ccourts may, having regard to the nature of the facts of the case, prohibit, for the preservation of public order or morals, the publication of all or part of the pleadings or judgments \u2026\u201d. As for the right of the investigating authorities and the Public Prosecution to exercise this type of exceptional power, it is provided for in the Penal Code implicitly rather than explicitly, when it imposed penalties for contravening the decisions of the investigating authority prohibiting the publication of parts of the investigations, or for conducting the investigation in the absence of the parties (the victim(s) and the accused). Article 193 of the Penal Code states:<\/p>\n<p>Any person who publishes, by any of the aforementioned means, any of the following shall be punished by imprisonment for a term not exceeding six months and by a fine of not less than five thousand Egyptian pounds and not exceeding ten thousand Egyptian pounds, or by either of these two penalties:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>News concerning an ongoing criminal investigation, where the investigating authority has decided to conduct it in the absence of the parties, or has prohibited the dissemination of any part thereof in consideration of public order, morals, or the revelation of the truth.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Aside from the publication ban orders that are issued by the courts or Public Prosecution, including a reference to the grounds for the publication ban, there is another group of decisions that do not include a justification. Sometimes the nature of the case and the personality of the accused are the real reason behind the issuance of the publication ban decisions, without these decisions being related to protecting the integrity of the investigations. During the period between 2013 and 2016, the Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression (AFTE) has documented the issuance of publication ban decisions in 37 cases, out of which 13 cases were related to corruption, 11 cases related to terrorism and 4 cases whereby the accused were police officers or members of judiciary institutions.<a href=\"#_ftn8\" name=\"_ftnref8\"><sup>[8]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>In this context, we would also like to point out that the military judiciary may also issue\u00a0 publication ban orders in relation to investigations and trials. In the year 2012, the president of the Military Judiciary Authority, Major General Adel Mahmoud Al Morsi, issued a publication ban order in the case known in the media as the \u201cvirginity tests\u201d case. Despite the sexual assault committed by officers and soldiers of the armed forces against Egyptian women, who were subjected to forced virginity tests whilst being arbitrarily detained at the Egyptian Museum following their protest.<a href=\"#_ftn9\" name=\"_ftnref9\"><sup>[9]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>The Penal Code regulates the treatment of those who contravene publication bans in several articles, in Article 190 it penalizes anyone who contravenes court decisions for publication bans by imprisonment for a term not exceeding one year and by a fine not less than five thousand Egyptian pounds and not exceeding ten thousand Egyptian pounds or by either of those penalties. Article 189 also penalises with the same penalties \u201canyone who publishes, by any of the aforementioned means, what took place in civil or criminal cases which the courts decided to hear in closed session\u201d. And in Article 193 it penalises<\/p>\n<p>By imprisonment for a term not exceeding six months and by a fine of not less than five thousand Egyptian pounds and not exceeding ten thousand Egyptian pounds, or by either of these two penalties:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>News concerning an ongoing criminal investigation, where the investigating authority has decided to conduct it in the absence of the parties, or has prohibited the dissemination of any part thereof in consideration of public order, morals, or the revelation of the truth.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #800000;\"><strong>Second: Egyptian Family Values as a \u201cNew\u201d Justification\u00a0 for Publication Ban Orders<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<p>The vague and ambiguous terms in Article 190 and 193 of the Penal Code such as \u201cpublic order\u201d and \u201cmorals\u201d, allow for the expansion of the scope of cases in which the issuing of a publication ban decision is permitted; in a way that makes such decisions arbitrary restrictions on freedom of expression and press freedom. However, despite this (flawed) framework that broadens the grounds for publication ban decisions, the Attorney General\u2019s decision to ban publication on the grounds that it \u201cdamages the image of the Egyptian society\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn10\" name=\"_ftnref10\"><sup>[10]<\/sup><\/a> and has \u201cnegative effects and consequences on Egyptian family values\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn11\" name=\"_ftnref11\"><sup>[11]<\/sup><\/a> cannot be considered as part of the framework to preserve public order and morals.<\/p>\n<p>This is clearly evident in the legislator\u2019s approach when drafting the Anti-Cyber and Information Technology Crimes Law No. 175 of 2018, and it is the first and only legislation that mentioned the term \u201cfamily values\u201d. The law considers that violating the family values is a crime punishable by law as stipulated in Article 25, but then in Article 26 of the same law it discusses the offence of processing another person&#8217;s personal data for the purpose of linking it to content that is contrary to public morals, stipulating a different penalty for it. Hence, if family values and public morals are one and the same, or if family values were part of the public morals, the legislator wouldn\u2019t have needed to deal with them separately.<a href=\"#_ftn12\" name=\"_ftnref12\"><sup>[12]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>On the other hand, the jurisprudential and judicial attempts to define \u201cEgyptian family values\u201d are inconsistent with its use as a justification for banning publication on the grounds that it violates public morals or public order. The Anti-Cyber and Information Technology Crimes Law No. 175 of 2018 does not provide a definition for the \u201cfamily values\u201d that the legislator intends to protect from infringement. This has led various courts to take it upon themselves to interpret this definition, and upon reviewing a number of relevant court rulings issued in the years following the enactment of this law, we find that some rulings have concluded that the crime was committed and that its elements were fulfilled, without providing further details.<a href=\"#_ftn13\" name=\"_ftnref13\"><sup>[13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>While other rulings<a href=\"#_ftn14\" name=\"_ftnref14\"><sup>[14]<\/sup><\/a> went on to a detailed narration of the elements of the \u201ccrime\u201d of violating the family values. Four of these rulings adopted<a href=\"#_ftn15\" name=\"_ftnref15\"><sup>[15]<\/sup><\/a> the definition formulated by Judge Bahaa El Meri, President of the Mansoura Criminal Court of Appeals, in his 2019 book \u2018An Explanation of the Law on Combating Information Technology Crimes and the Admissibility of Digital Evidence\u2019. This definition, which is commonly used in judicial contexts, does not refer to a link between \u201cEgyptian family values\u201d and public order or public morals, which are the justifications used by investigating authorities to issue publication ban orders.<\/p>\n<p>One of these rulings points out that:<\/p>\n<p>The material elements of the crime of violating any of the family principles and values in Egyptian society, involve the use of information technology, computer networks, or the Internet, to streaming, transmitting or addressing individuals, in a manner that demolishes family bonds, diminishes the value of positive efforts for the family, encourages conflict among family members, or undermines the norms and principles that govern it. This also includes any online content, whether published via the internet, social media, email, or any other electronic means, that encourages or promotes dishonesty, a lack of integrity, disrespect for parents, or immorality, or that undermines the values of education and religious devotion, whether directly or indirectly, whether through an article, an email, visual or audio material, a drawing, a cartoon, a series, or a film, as long as the publication is via information technology. It is the same whether such behavior, communication, and audio-visual interaction occurs [via] mobile phone, email, social media sites and pages, or tweets, whether in the form of images, drawings, television broadcasts, audio transmissions, or video games, or in the form of an article, series, or film, provided that the perpetrator has used information technology or the internet to convey it to individuals. As for whether the defendant\u2019s conduct constitutes an attack on family principles and values, this is a matter left to the discretion of the judge, who will determine it in light of the values and principles of the Egyptian family that are deeply rooted in the minds of the people and widely accepted.<a href=\"#_ftn16\" name=\"_ftnref16\"><sup>[16]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>The Attorney General\u2019s statement used the justification of \u201cnegative consequences on the Egyptian family values\u201d as grounds to issue publication ban orders in the aforementioned cases, and it is the (new) justification which we are observing for the first time in publication bans issued by the judicial authorities. The use of the \u201cEgyptian family values\u201d in this statement &#8211; in relation to three incidents wherein all the victims were specifically women and girls &#8211; proposes numerous questions around the context in which this term is used before the Public Prosecution in its investigations and before the courts, since its first appearance in the Egyptian legislative infrastructure in Article 25 of the Anti-Cyber and Information Technology Crimes Law No. 175 of 2018.<\/p>\n<p>Article 25 states that<\/p>\n<p>Shall be punished by imprisonment for a period not less than six months and a fine not less than fifty thousand Egyptian pounds and not exceeding one hundred thousand Egyptian pounds, or by either of these two penalties, whoever violates any of the family principles or values in Egyptian society.<a href=\"#_ftn17\" name=\"_ftnref17\"><sup>[17]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>The legislator did not specify what is meant by \u201cviolation\u201d here? And what are the family values of the Egyptian society that he wants to protect? So, for example,<\/p>\n<p>If a feminist activist calls for changes to the current divorce or marriage procedures to make them fairer to women in a Facebook post, does this mean that the activist has thereby violated family values in Egyptian society? The truth is that this term is the most ambiguous of all those contained in the Anti-Cyber and Information Technology Crimes Law. If we already struggle with Egyptian legislation in general due to the use of terms such as \u2018national security\u2019 and \u2018the stability of the country\u2019 as a pretext for imposing penalties that threaten citizens\u2019 freedoms, what will happen if family values are also treated as a new pretext for imprisoning internet users?<a href=\"#_ftn18\" name=\"_ftnref18\"><sup>[18]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>The Public Prosecution used this Article in the following years, starting from the year 2020, in the prosecution of dozens of female social media influencers, specifically on the TikTok application. In April 2020, the Public Prosecution issued an arrest warrant for Haneen Hossam, charging her with violating the principles and family values in Egyptian society, and with creating, managing and using private websites and accounts on social media platforms on the internet, with the aim of committing and facilitating the commission of that offence.<a href=\"#_ftn19\" name=\"_ftnref19\"><sup>[19]<\/sup><\/a> This case was tainted by numerous legal irregularities<a href=\"#_ftn20\" name=\"_ftnref20\"><sup>[20]<\/sup><\/a>, but it ended with the conviction of Hanin and others, and Hanin was sentenced to 10 years in prison<a href=\"#_ftn21\" name=\"_ftnref21\"><sup>[21]<\/sup><\/a> which was later reduced to three years, along with a fine of 200,000 pounds.<a href=\"#_ftn22\" name=\"_ftnref22\"><sup>[22]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>The Public Prosecution\u2019s approach in using the \u201cviolating the principles and family values in Egyptian society\u201d as a pretext for prosecuting and imprisoning many women and girls \u2013 and sometimes men \u2013 intersects with the latest decision to ban publication in some cases on the claim of protecting the family values from negative consequences in one matter: that is the presence of women and girls in the heart of these decisions, in the first instance as perpetrators and in the second as victims.<\/p>\n<p>This usage leads us to question the invocation of \u201cthe family values of Egyptian society\u201d only when it comes to women, their rights and their issues? In the first instance, the Public Prosecution regarded the appearance of young women on TikTok, in a manner it deemed contrary to Egyptian family values, as a pretext for prosecuting them. On the second occasion, when controversy escalated over sexual assault crimes and the murder of its child victims in one of the cases, and over the suicide of a woman who took her own life during a live online broadcast, following her exposure to various forms of violence at the hands of her ex-husband, \u201cEgyptian family values\u201d were invoked once again, but this time with the aim of stifling the discussions<a href=\"#_ftn23\" name=\"_ftnref23\"><sup>[23]<\/sup><\/a> that had spread across social media platforms and in some traditional media outlets, regarding the dire conditions faced by girls and women in Egypt, and the various forms of violence and discrimination they encountered.<\/p>\n<p>The Public Prosecutor\u2019s decision to impose a publication ban on the three cases extends to social media, which can be regarded as the last remaining space for public debate that is not entirely controlled in Egypt, following the takeover -through ownership and other means- of most major media platforms<a href=\"#_ftn24\" name=\"_ftnref24\"><sup>[24]<\/sup><\/a>, and the crackdown on civil society organisations such as political parties and civil society organisations<a href=\"#_ftn25\" name=\"_ftnref25\"><sup>[25]<\/sup><\/a>, which used to accommodate part of these discussions. The Public Prosecutor\u2019s decision includes<\/p>\n<p>All audio and visual media, as well as all national and party-affiliated daily and weekly newspapers and magazines, whether local or foreign, of whatever nature; websites and other publications; and social media networks on both international and local information networks, until the investigations into them have been concluded, with the exception of statements issued by the Office of the Public Prosecutor.<a href=\"#_ftn26\" name=\"_ftnref26\"><sup>[26]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>The Public Prosecution rigorously enforced its decision to impose a publication ban on the three cases; a few days after the ban was issued, the Public Prosecution&#8217;s official Facebook page published a brief statement announcing that it had ordered the arrest and detention of an unspecified number of individuals for breaching the aforementioned publication ban. In the same statement, the Public Prosecution also emphasised that \u201cit will deal firmly with any violation of the publication ban and will take the appropriate legal measures against the perpetrators.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn27\" name=\"_ftnref27\"><sup>[27]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #800000;\"><strong>Third: How Do Publication Bans Violate Fundamental Rights?<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<p>Article 68 of the Egyptian constitution states that \u201cInformation, data, statistics and official documents are owned by the people. Disclosure thereof from various sources is a right guaranteed by the state to all citizens. The state shall provide and make them available to citizens with transparency\u2026\u201d.<a href=\"#_ftn28\" name=\"_ftnref28\"><sup>[28]<\/sup><\/a> The aforementioned article refers to \u2018the State\u2019 and not to any single branch of government; the right of access to data and information applies to all three branches of government: the executive, the legislative and the judiciary. If any of these branches arbitrarily withholds the data and documents in its possession, this partially impedes citizens\u2019 ability to exercise this constitutional right.<\/p>\n<p>The above description shows that the current regulation of publication bans in cases during the investigation and trial phases involves an arbitrary use of the power to issue such bans, as it contravenes \u201cthe intended philosophical and legal rationale behind a publication ban, namely the desire to prevent interference with the course of proceedings.<a href=\"#_ftn29\" name=\"_ftnref29\"><sup>[29]<\/sup><\/a> Whilst we acknowledge the need for a legal regulatory framework that permits publication bans in certain circumstances, this acknowledgement is linked to the imperative of safeguarding justice and the integrity of investigations. However, the broad and vague terms referred to earlier must not be exploited to issue publication bans on grounds unrelated to the integrity of investigations and trials.<\/p>\n<p>This arbitrary use of publication bans violates a range of fundamental human and constitutional rights of citizens, most notably the right to freedom of expression and the right to the free flow of information, as well as the principles of fair trial, foremost among which is the principle of public trials.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>The Public Prosecution&#8217;s new approach of invoking \u2018Egyptian family values\u2019 as a justification for publication bans raises a number of concerns; in a sense, these decisions can be seen as a ban on public debate, particularly as they have also extended to social media and have not been limited to traditional press and media outlets. If we consider that the invocation of \u201cEgyptian family values\u201d has been utilized in three cases involving serious and varied acts of violence against women and girls, could this be a precursor to similar decisions targeting crimes of violence against women specifically, as an attempt to paint a false picture of the situation of women in Egypt, where numerous official institutions are striving to promote women\u2019s rights as an area that has seen exceptional success and progress over the past few years?<a href=\"#_ftn30\" name=\"_ftnref30\"><sup>[30]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>The Public Prosecutor\u2019s statement explicitly noted that protecting this image was one of the justifications for the publication ban, as the Attorney General\u2019s decision deemed that discussion of these crimes \u201cdoes not reflect the statistical reality of the rates at which these crimes are committed\u201d. Implying that extensive discussion of these crimes is not proportionate with their \u201cstatistical reality\u201d, without the decision sharing this statistical reality with us. As the Public Prosecution is the sole competent investigating authority, and the security agencies are the executive body responsible for compiling such statistics, statistical figures relating to most types of crime have not been shared with the public in Egypt for many years.<a href=\"#_ftn31\" name=\"_ftnref31\"><sup>[31]<\/sup><\/a> Instead, the Ministry of the Interior merely publishes scattered information regarding its efforts to tackle a specific number of crimes, without any clear methodology regarding the nature of the data published or the frequency of its publication.<\/p>\n<p>Similarly, extensive coverage of a crime in the traditional media or on social media is not necessarily an indication of its prevalence; public interest in a particular case may stem from other factors, such as the gravity of the crime, the extent of the resulting harm, the identity of the victim or the perpetrator, or even the unusual or bizarre nature of how the crime was committed.<\/p>\n<p>The Attorney General\u2019s statement adds a right-based justification for the publication ban, arguing that discussion of these events infringes on the privacy and feelings of the victims\u2019 families, which is a reasonable argument. However, the question here is whether there is a proportionate balance between the interest to be safeguarded -\u2018the privacy and feelings of the victims\u2019 families\u2019- and the measure imposed by the investigating authorities? This measure effectively deprives all citizens, and the media, of their right to circulate and debate these events in the first place!<\/p>\n<p>The Attorney General\u2019s decision fails to take into account the principles of proportionality and necessity<a href=\"#_ftn32\" name=\"_ftnref32\"><sup>[32]<\/sup><\/a>; adherence to these principles requires that, when restricting a fundamental human right such as the right to freedom of expression, the least intrusive measure be chosen. This was taken into account in the decision of the Supreme Council for Media Regulation, obliging all media outlets subject to the provisions of Law No. 180 of 2018 not to publish any video footage relating to the incident in which a woman threw herself from the thirteenth floor in Alexandria, The Council also emphasised the ban on publishing any news reports that include the name of the deceased, in order to preserve the sanctity of her passing<a href=\"#_ftn33\" name=\"_ftnref33\"><sup>[33]<\/sup><\/a>. The Council also decided to address the National Telecommunications Regulatory Authority to take the necessary measures to remove these videos from all social media platforms.<a href=\"#_ftn34\" name=\"_ftnref34\"><sup>[34]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>The Supreme Council\u2019s decision, which was announced a few hours before the Attorney General\u2019s publication ban order on the same incident, had succeeded in safeguarding the privacy of the victims, her family and her children, without suppressing public debate on the matter. Examining each of these interventions leads us to consider the main motivation behind the Attorney General\u2019s decision; was it a matter of safeguarding privacy, or of curtailing citizens\u2019 right to express themselves and discuss these events?<\/p>\n<p>There are also other Arab and international examples of the way in which media coverage relating to investigations into cases involving certain forms of violence against women is regulated. For instance, under Article 60 of the Decree on Freedom of the Press, Printing and Publication, Tunisian law provides for penalties against anyone who publishes information that identifies, or assists in identifying, the victims of rape and sexual harassment crimes against children. The Article states that<\/p>\n<p>Any person who, whilst disseminating information about crimes of rape or sexual harassment against minors by any means whatsoever, intentionally mentions the victim\u2019s name or discloses any information that might enable the victim to be identified shall be liable to imprisonment for a term of one to three years and a fine of three thousand to five thousand dinars.<\/p>\n<p>With regard to the publication of investigation documents in various types of cases, Article 61 of the same decree stipulates that \u201cthe publication of investigation documents prior to their being pronounced in open court is prohibited, and anyone who contravenes this provision shall be liable to a fine of between one thousand and two thousand dinars&#8230;\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>Through these Articles, the Tunisian legislator attempts to balance between freedom of expression, freedom of information and safeguarding the victims and the course of the investigation. It is thus strictly prohibited to publish the names of the victims, or any personal information that could help identify them; however, this prohibition does not extend to the facts of the case itself. Likewise, with regard to investigations, the law prohibits the publication of investigation documents but does not prevent the publication of or discussion about the proceedings themselves; the protection here applies to official documents, and is temporary, lasting only until the text of these documents is read out in a public court hearing.<\/p>\n<p>Attempts to silence the voices of victims -through publication bans and other measures- not only undermine women\u2019s causes and violate victims\u2019 rights, but also undermine social harmony in general. Discussing crimes, whether serious or minor, in a transparent and objective manner, and prosecuting offenders in fair trials, fulfills the central role that the law plays in society by ensuring general deterrence. This prevents other people from committing the same crimes, whilst also achieving specific deterrence by making the offender himself afraid of repeating his offence. Furthermore, publication and transparency are essential to ensuring the integrity and fairness of trials at all stages, from the arrest and investigation phase through to the pronouncement of the verdict and the imposition of the sentence.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #800000;\"><strong>Conclusion and Recommendations<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<p>We would like to conclude this paper by emphasising the principle of the interdependence of human rights; all rights are interconnected in such a way that it is difficult to deprive a person of one right without affecting the others. On the other hand, fundamental rights such as the right to privacy and the right to a fair trial must not be interpreted in a way that infringes upon other rights, such as the right to information, the right to freedom of expression, and freedom of the press.<\/p>\n<p>As for the protection of \u2018family values\u2019, \u2018the country\u2019s reputation\u2019 and \u2018society\u2019s image\u2019, these are nothing but justifications used as a cloak to violate fundamental human and constitutional rights. Crimes of this nature occur in all societies, and covering up crimes of any kind does not serve the image of any country. However, prosecuting and punishing perpetrators in fair trials, compensating the victims and their families, and taking proactive measures to prevent such crimes from recurring in the future, is what truly creates a good society, one that is not forced to conceal the facts in order to fabricate an idealised image.<\/p>\n<p><strong><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\">In this context, we put forward the following points, which together form a proposed balanced framework governing what should be banned from publication in relation to crimes of violence against women in general, whether through guidelines issued by the Public Prosecution or by incorporating them into codes of ethics for the press and media:<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>The personal details of the victims and their families, including their names, full addresses, places of work, and religious and tribal affiliations.<\/li>\n<li>Photographs of the victims, whether these are ordinary personal photographs or photographs taken during or after the crime.<\/li>\n<li>Photocopies of the victims\u2019 official papers and personal documents, such as ID cards, passports, birth certificates and marriage certificates.<\/li>\n<li>Photographs of the victims&#8217; children, or the accused&#8217;s children.<\/li>\n<li>Personal data relating to the families of the accused, including names, full addresses, places of work, and religious and tribal affiliations.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong>In addition, this paper recommends a legislative restructuring of publication bans relating to investigations and trials, including:<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Require the Public Prosecution, investigating judges and court presidents to provide precise and objective reasons for decisions to impose a publication ban, whilst clarifying the necessity that warrants the issuance of such a decision.<\/li>\n<li>Publication bans shall be limited to a period of no more than one month and may be renewed only twice in the same case or matter.<\/li>\n<li>The Attorney General\u2019s Office should issue a weekly press release on the progress of investigations or trials in cases subject to a publication ban.<\/li>\n<li>The establishment of a judicial mechanism for challenging publication bans issued by the Public Prosecutor or judges, provided that this mechanism has the power to hear appeals submitted to it on an accelerated basis; and provided that any citizen may challenge such publication bans as an interested party, on the basis of the constitutional right to the free circulation of information, and citizens\u2019 right to access documents and data held by public authorities.<\/li>\n<li>Lifting the absolute publication ban relating to cases of divorce, legal separation or adultery (Article 193 of the Penal Code), and the publication ban in cases involving crimes affecting national security from external sources (Article 85 of the Penal Code).<\/li>\n<li>Limit the grounds for issuing publication bans during the investigation stage to reasons related to the preservation of justice, such as the negative impact of publication on the truth, the risk of evidence being lost, or the need to prevent potential suspects from being alerted and fleeing; whilst removing vague terms from the justifications for issuing publication bans, such as public morals, and public order.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<pre><a href=\"#_ftnref1\" name=\"_ftn1\"><sup>[1]<\/sup><\/a>A statement published on the Public Prosecution Service\u2019s official Facebook page on 12 April 2026: <a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/nhcmp3h7\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/nhcmp3h7<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref2\" name=\"_ftn2\"><sup>[2]<\/sup><\/a> Law No. 313 of 1956, as amended by Law No. 14 of 1967, prohibits the publication of any material relating to the armed forces. The texts of both laws can be viewed here:\r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/manshurat.org\/node\/7440\">https:\/\/manshurat.org\/node\/7440<\/a> \r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/manshurat.org\/node\/7441\">https:\/\/manshurat.org\/node\/7441<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref3\" name=\"_ftn3\"><sup>[3]<\/sup><\/a>Article 93 of the Penal Code.\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref4\" name=\"_ftn4\"><sup>[4]<\/sup><\/a>This provision was added to the Penal Code by Law No. 71 of 2021. <a href=\"https:\/\/manshurat.org\/node\/72657\">https:\/\/manshurat.org\/node\/72657<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref5\" name=\"_ftn5\"><sup>[5]<\/sup><\/a> Article 187 of the Penal Code.\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref6\" name=\"_ftn6\"><sup>[6]<\/sup><\/a>Article 191 of the Penal Code.\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref7\" name=\"_ftn7\"><sup>[7]<\/sup><\/a> Dr Osama Ahmed Abdel-Naeem, \u2018Legal Restrictions on Publication Bans\u2019, a paper presented at the Fourth Scientific Conference on \u2018Law and the Media\u2019 at Tanta University. <a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/2ppaftk3\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/2ppaftk3<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref8\" name=\"_ftn8\"><sup>[8]<\/sup><\/a>Jihan Fady, We have something to hide!.. A paper on publication ban in cases involving accused officials in Egypt, Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression, 2021.\r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/research\/research-papers\/2021\/04\/08\/21462-afteegypt.html#_ftn5\">https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/research\/research-papers\/2021\/04\/08\/21462-afteegypt.html#_ftn5<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref9\" name=\"_ftn9\"><sup>[9]<\/sup><\/a>Jihan Fady, We have something to hide!.. A paper on publication ban in cases involving accused officials in Egypt, Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression, 2021.\r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/research\/research-papers\/2021\/04\/08\/21462-afteegypt.html#_ftn5\">https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/research\/research-papers\/2021\/04\/08\/21462-afteegypt.html#_ftn5<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref10\" name=\"_ftn10\"><sup>[10]<\/sup><\/a> A statement by the Attorney General posted on the Public Prosecution\u2019s official Facebook page on April 12, 2026: <a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/nhcmp3h7\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/nhcmp3<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref11\" name=\"_ftn11\"><sup>[11]<\/sup><\/a> Ibid\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref12\" name=\"_ftn12\"><sup>[12]<\/sup><\/a> Pathways in Technology and Law: Explanatory Note: The Legislative Impact of the Crime of Attacking Egyptian Family Values, Masaar, 2024.\r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/3SpGfWk\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/3SpGfWk<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref13\" name=\"_ftn13\"><sup>[13]<\/sup><\/a> Such as the ruling in Case No. 12235 of 1993 (Criminal Cassation), issued on July 4, 2024.\r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/y7wm563j\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/y7wm563j<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref14\" name=\"_ftn14\"><sup>[14]<\/sup><\/a>Such as the ruling in Misdemeanor Case No. 315 of 2024, Cairo Economic Misdemeanors Court, issued on February 24, 2024: <a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/4fv4wUB\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/4fv4wUB<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref15\" name=\"_ftn15\"><sup>[15]<\/sup><\/a>The ruling of the Cairo Economic Court in Misdemeanor Case No. 315 of 2024 <a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/4fv4wUB\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/4fv4wUB<\/a>, the ruling of the North Cairo Juvenile Criminal and Misdemeanor Court in Case No. 2451 of 2024:<a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/3QnrpiE\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/3QnrpiE<\/a>, the ruling of the Cairo Economic Court in Case No. 447 of 2024 <a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/4viVxet\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/4viVxet<\/a>, An additional ruling issued by the Mansoura Economic Misdemeanor Court of 2021<a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/43O0Ki2\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/43O0Ki2<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref16\" name=\"_ftn16\"><sup>[16]<\/sup><\/a> Ruling in Misdemeanor Case No. 315 of 2024, Cairo Economic Misdemeanors Court, issued on February 24, 2024:\r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/4fv4wUB\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/4fv4wUB<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref17\" name=\"_ftn17\"><sup>[17]<\/sup><\/a> The Anti-Cyber and Information Technology Crimes Law No. 175 of 2018\r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/eg.andersen.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/06\/Law-No.-175-of-2018-Concerning-Information-Technology-Crimes.pdf\">https:\/\/eg.andersen.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/06\/Law-No.-175-of-2018-Concerning-Information-Technology-Crimes.pdf<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref18\" name=\"_ftn18\"><sup>[18]<\/sup><\/a> Mahmoud Abdel-Zaher, \u2018The Internet Under Siege: On Egypt\u2019s First Legislation on Information Technology Crimes\u2019, HRDO Centre to Support the Digital Expression, 2018.\r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/drive.google.com\/file\/d\/16vjjlKGY0KmvtgzzGkjaFB-U1mtehDvD\/view?usp=sharing\">https:\/\/drive.google.com\/file\/d\/16vjjlKGY0KmvtgzzGkjaFB-U1mtehDvD\/view?usp=sharing<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref19\" name=\"_ftn19\"><sup>[19]<\/sup><\/a> The case of Haneen and Mawaddah (1), Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression, published on the 18th of May 2021.\r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/read-tiktok-case-papers\/2021\/05\/18\/22152-afteegypt.html\">https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/read-tiktok-case-papers\/2021\/05\/18\/22152-afteegypt.html<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref20\" name=\"_ftn20\"><sup>[20]<\/sup><\/a> Ibid\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref21\" name=\"_ftn21\"><sup>[21]<\/sup><\/a> The case of Haneen and Mawaddah (2), Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression, published on the 18th of August 2021.\r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/read-tiktok-case-papers\/2021\/08\/19\/24455-afteegypt.html\">https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/read-tiktok-case-papers\/2021\/08\/19\/24455-afteegypt.html<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref22\" name=\"_ftn22\"><sup>[22]<\/sup><\/a>The \u201cTikTok girl\u201d Case Comes to a Close with a Reduced Sentence in Egypt, Haneen Hossam Sentenced to Three Years in Prison and Fined over $10,000 for Human Trafficking, Independent Arabia, Published on the 19th of April 2022.\r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/yfdaja37\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/yfdaja37<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref23\" name=\"_ftn23\"><sup>[23]<\/sup><\/a> The \u2018Lady of Alexandria\u2019 incident: A Shocking Cry from Society against the Legal System, DW Arabic, Published on the 16th of April 2026.\r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/3kt6jync\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/3kt6jync<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref24\" name=\"_ftn24\"><sup>[24]<\/sup><\/a> Sisification of the Media \u2013 a Hostile Takeover, Reporters without Borders, published on the 25th of January 2019\r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/rsf.org\/s\/35727\">https:\/\/rsf.org\/s\/35727<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref25\" name=\"_ftn25\"><sup>[25]<\/sup><\/a>Humena for Human Rights and Civic Engagement: Report entitled \u201cYears of Siege: The State of Civil Society in Egypt, 2013\u20132025\u201d, 2026.\r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/humena.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/02\/Egypt_YearsOfSiege_AR_0226.pdf\">https:\/\/humena.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/02\/Egypt_YearsOfSiege_AR_0226.pdf<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref26\" name=\"_ftn26\"><sup>[26]<\/sup><\/a>A statement published on the Public Prosecution\u2019s official Facebook page on 12 April 2026:\r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/nhcmp3h7\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/nhcmp3h7<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref27\" name=\"_ftn27\"><sup>[27]<\/sup><\/a> \u0628A statement published on the Public Prosecution\u2019s official Facebook page on 16 April 2026\r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/2jfn368m\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/2jfn368m<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref28\" name=\"_ftn28\"><sup>[28]<\/sup><\/a>The Egyptian Constitution, adopted in 2014 and amended in 2019.\r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/www.constituteproject.org\/constitution\/Egypt_2014\">https:\/\/www.constituteproject.org\/constitution\/Egypt_2014<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref29\" name=\"_ftn29\"><sup>[29]<\/sup><\/a> Dr Osama Ahmed Abdel-Naeem, \u2018Legal Restrictions on Publication Bans\u2019, a paper presented at the Fourth Scientific Conference on \u2018Law and the Media\u2019 at Tanta University. <a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/2ppaftk3\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/2ppaftk3<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref30\" name=\"_ftn30\"><sup>[30]<\/sup><\/a> Youm7 website: \u201cThe \u2018Golden Age\u2019\u2026 Egyptian women are enjoying rights and gains under the current political leadership that they have not seen for generations\u2026 Highest representation in parliamentary life. Female MP: \u2018We are enjoying genuine empowerment\u2026 Women are proving highly competent in their work and are the foundation of society\u2019\u201d, published on 24 September 2019..\r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/www.youm7.com\/4428180\">https:\/\/www.youm7.com\/4428180<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref31\" name=\"_ftn31\"><sup>[31]<\/sup><\/a>In previous years, Egypt saw the Ministry of the Interior produce an annual report on various crimes, known as the Annual Public Security Report, which was made available to experts and researchers, before the report was classified in the 1990s, with conflicting accounts as to whether the Ministry of the Interior continues to produce it, with access restricted to political and security leadership, or whether it has ceased production altogether. The testimony of Dr Majid Othman, former Minister of Communications and Information Technology in the caretaker government from February 2011 to July 2011, and former Director of the Information and Decision Support Centre of the Egyptian Cabinet, can be viewed here: <a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/4b2t9k92\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/4b2t9k92<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref32\" name=\"_ftn32\"><sup>[32]<\/sup><\/a>For more information on the content of these principles relating to permissible restrictions on the right to freedom of expression, please refer to paragraphs 33 and 34 of General Comment No. 34 on the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, issued by the Human Rights Committee in July 2011.\r\n<a href=\"https:\/\/elhak.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/12\/CCPR_C_GC_34-AR.pdf\">https:\/\/elhak.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/12\/CCPR_C_GC_34-AR.pdf<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref33\" name=\"_ftn33\"><sup>[33]<\/sup><\/a> A statement published on the official Facebook page of the Supreme Council for Media Regulation on 12 April 2026: <a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/mtwj7tfx\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/mtwj7tfx<\/a>\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref34\" name=\"_ftn34\"><sup>[34]<\/sup><\/a> Ibid<\/pre>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Research paper by: Mahmoud Abdelzaher &nbsp; Contents Methodology Introduction First: Publication Bans Tied to Investigation and Trial Proceedings under Egyptian Law Second: Egyptian Family Values as a \u201cNew\u201d Justification for Publication Ban Orders Third: How Do Publication Bans Violate Fundamental Rights? Conclusion and Recommendations \u00a0 Methodology This paper analyzes the legislative provisions regulating publication bans [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":88,"featured_media":41296,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_lmt_disableupdate":"no","_lmt_disable":"","_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[968,970],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-41295","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-research-en","category-research-papers-en"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v26.1.1 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>New Pathways to Obscuring the Truth: Egyptian Family Values as a Justification for Publication Ban - Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"New Pathways to Obscuring the Truth: Egyptian Family Values as a Justification for Publication Ban - Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Research paper by: Mahmoud Abdelzaher &nbsp; Contents Methodology Introduction First: Publication Bans Tied to Investigation and Trial Proceedings under Egyptian Law Second: Egyptian Family Values as a \u201cNew\u201d Justification for Publication Ban Orders Third: How Do Publication Bans Violate Fundamental Rights? Conclusion and Recommendations \u00a0 Methodology This paper analyzes the legislative provisions regulating publication bans [&hellip;]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2026-06-18T11:14:59+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2026-06-18T11:17:49+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/06\/\u0645\u0633\u0627\u0631\u0627\u062a-\u062c\u062f\u064a\u062f\u0629-\u0644\u062d\u062c\u0628-\u0627\u0644\u062d\u0642\u064a\u0642\u0629.-cover-en.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"928\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"515\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"somaya magdy\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"somaya magdy\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"26 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html\",\"name\":\"New Pathways to Obscuring the Truth: Egyptian Family Values as a Justification for Publication Ban - Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/06\/\u0645\u0633\u0627\u0631\u0627\u062a-\u062c\u062f\u064a\u062f\u0629-\u0644\u062d\u062c\u0628-\u0627\u0644\u062d\u0642\u064a\u0642\u0629.-cover-en.jpg\",\"datePublished\":\"2026-06-18T11:14:59+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2026-06-18T11:17:49+00:00\",\"author\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/#\/schema\/person\/9537868c09310194a86fae05da54bce8\"},\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/06\/\u0645\u0633\u0627\u0631\u0627\u062a-\u062c\u062f\u064a\u062f\u0629-\u0644\u062d\u062c\u0628-\u0627\u0644\u062d\u0642\u064a\u0642\u0629.-cover-en.jpg\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/06\/\u0645\u0633\u0627\u0631\u0627\u062a-\u062c\u062f\u064a\u062f\u0629-\u0644\u062d\u062c\u0628-\u0627\u0644\u062d\u0642\u064a\u0642\u0629.-cover-en.jpg\",\"width\":928,\"height\":515},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Home\",\"item\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"New Pathways to Obscuring the Truth: Egyptian Family Values as a Justification for Publication Ban\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/\",\"name\":\"Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression\",\"description\":\"Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/#\/schema\/person\/9537868c09310194a86fae05da54bce8\",\"name\":\"somaya magdy\",\"image\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/#\/schema\/person\/image\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/312cbdcfb5105409f675745b087377f9145cc02581d6b3232f386e97842ddcee?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/312cbdcfb5105409f675745b087377f9145cc02581d6b3232f386e97842ddcee?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"caption\":\"somaya magdy\"},\"url\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/author\/somaya\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"New Pathways to Obscuring the Truth: Egyptian Family Values as a Justification for Publication Ban - Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html","og_locale":"en_US","og_type":"article","og_title":"New Pathways to Obscuring the Truth: Egyptian Family Values as a Justification for Publication Ban - Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression","og_description":"Research paper by: Mahmoud Abdelzaher &nbsp; Contents Methodology Introduction First: Publication Bans Tied to Investigation and Trial Proceedings under Egyptian Law Second: Egyptian Family Values as a \u201cNew\u201d Justification for Publication Ban Orders Third: How Do Publication Bans Violate Fundamental Rights? Conclusion and Recommendations \u00a0 Methodology This paper analyzes the legislative provisions regulating publication bans [&hellip;]","og_url":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html","og_site_name":"Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression","article_published_time":"2026-06-18T11:14:59+00:00","article_modified_time":"2026-06-18T11:17:49+00:00","og_image":[{"width":928,"height":515,"url":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/06\/\u0645\u0633\u0627\u0631\u0627\u062a-\u062c\u062f\u064a\u062f\u0629-\u0644\u062d\u062c\u0628-\u0627\u0644\u062d\u0642\u064a\u0642\u0629.-cover-en.jpg","type":"image\/jpeg"}],"author":"somaya magdy","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_misc":{"Written by":"somaya magdy","Est. reading time":"26 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html","url":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html","name":"New Pathways to Obscuring the Truth: Egyptian Family Values as a Justification for Publication Ban - Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/#website"},"primaryImageOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html#primaryimage"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/06\/\u0645\u0633\u0627\u0631\u0627\u062a-\u062c\u062f\u064a\u062f\u0629-\u0644\u062d\u062c\u0628-\u0627\u0644\u062d\u0642\u064a\u0642\u0629.-cover-en.jpg","datePublished":"2026-06-18T11:14:59+00:00","dateModified":"2026-06-18T11:17:49+00:00","author":{"@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/#\/schema\/person\/9537868c09310194a86fae05da54bce8"},"breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html#primaryimage","url":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/06\/\u0645\u0633\u0627\u0631\u0627\u062a-\u062c\u062f\u064a\u062f\u0629-\u0644\u062d\u062c\u0628-\u0627\u0644\u062d\u0642\u064a\u0642\u0629.-cover-en.jpg","contentUrl":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/06\/\u0645\u0633\u0627\u0631\u0627\u062a-\u062c\u062f\u064a\u062f\u0629-\u0644\u062d\u062c\u0628-\u0627\u0644\u062d\u0642\u064a\u0642\u0629.-cover-en.jpg","width":928,"height":515},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/18\/41295-afteegypt.html#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Home","item":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"New Pathways to Obscuring the Truth: Egyptian Family Values as a Justification for Publication Ban"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/#website","url":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/","name":"Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression","description":"Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression","potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"en-US"},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/#\/schema\/person\/9537868c09310194a86fae05da54bce8","name":"somaya magdy","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/#\/schema\/person\/image\/","url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/312cbdcfb5105409f675745b087377f9145cc02581d6b3232f386e97842ddcee?s=96&d=mm&r=g","contentUrl":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/312cbdcfb5105409f675745b087377f9145cc02581d6b3232f386e97842ddcee?s=96&d=mm&r=g","caption":"somaya magdy"},"url":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/author\/somaya"}]}},"modified_by":"somaya magdy","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/41295","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/88"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=41295"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/41295\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":41299,"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/41295\/revisions\/41299"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/41296"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=41295"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=41295"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=41295"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}