{"id":41452,"date":"2026-06-28T14:42:53","date_gmt":"2026-06-28T11:42:53","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/?p=41452"},"modified":"2026-06-28T15:13:03","modified_gmt":"2026-06-28T12:13:03","slug":"gen-z-and-restrictions-on-freedom-of-expression-in-egyptian-universities","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html","title":{"rendered":"Gen Z and Restrictions on Freedom of Expression in Egyptian Universities"},"content":{"rendered":"<h4><span style=\"color: #800000;\"><strong>Content<\/strong><\/span><\/h4>\n<p>Methodology<\/p>\n<p>Introduction<\/p>\n<p>Section One: Gen Z and Egyptian Universities in a Shrinking Public Sphere<\/p>\n<p>Section Two: Universities as Seen by Gen Z: Between Expectations and Reality<\/p>\n<p>Section Three: Alternative Pathways<\/p>\n<p>Conclusion and Recommendations<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h4><span style=\"color: #800000;\"><strong>Methodology<\/strong><\/span><\/h4>\n<p>This paper adopts a methodology that combines both primary and secondary data to understand Gen Z\u2019s perceptions of the university, as well as forms of student participation and the transformations they have undergone amid the escalating restrictions imposed on universities in Egypt since 2013.<\/p>\n<p>The primary data collection tool consisted of an online survey titled \u201cGen Z\u2019s Vision of the University and Alternative Pathways for Participation,\u201d targeting university students and fresh graduates within the age group classified as Gen Z (18-27). The survey received a total of 49 responses, including 11 fresh graduates and 35 students from Cairo, Alexandria, Kafr El-Sheikh, Ain Shams, Menoufia, Zagazig, and Mansoura Universities, in addition to private universities such as the American University in Cairo, the British University in Egypt, and Horus University. The sample included 40% male respondents and 57.8% female respondents, while approximately 2% declined to disclose their gender.<\/p>\n<p>Despite the diversity of universities represented \u2013 both public and private \u2013 the survey did not aim to compare the respondents\u2019 educational models or socioeconomic backgrounds. Rather, it sought to identify general trends in how university students and fresh graduates perceive the university. The findings revealed a notable degree of convergence in respondents\u2019 evaluations, with predominantly negative views regarding the role of universities and the spaces available for expression and participation there, regardless of institutional affiliation.<\/p>\n<p>The survey included a combination of quantitative and descriptive questions addressing respondents\u2019 perceptions of the core role of universities, their evaluation of the campus environment, their attitudes toward student unions, and their experiences related to freedom of expression and participation within universities. It also explored the use of social media as alternative spaces for expression and organization. In addition, the survey incorporated a number of open-ended questions, allowing participants to share their personal experiences and assessments of universities, student unions, and the constraints they face on campus.<\/p>\n<p>The survey generated two types of data. The first is quantitative data, which was analyzed by calculating frequencies and percentages of different responses, allowing for the identification of general trends within the sample. The second is qualitative data, which was analyzed using a qualitative approach to identify recurring themes and patterns in respondents\u2019 experiences and perceptions of university life and student participation.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to the survey, the paper relies on nine interviews conducted with students who participated in pro-Palestine activism, including participants from the American University in Cairo and the \u201cStudents for Palestine\u201d movement. These interviews aimed to understand the dynamics of student mobilization, the forms of organization and outreach used by students, and the obstacles and restrictions they encountered while organizing events and activities related to the Palestinian cause. These interviews contributed to a deeper understanding of the experiences discussed in the section on alternative pathways for participation and collective action.<\/p>\n<p>The paper also reviewed and analyzed a number of laws and regulations governing university life and student activities in Egypt, alongside interviews with several lawyers. This was intended to shed light on the legal and regulatory dimensions of student activities, identify the key violations and restrictions faced by students in recent years, and clarify the legal frameworks governing student work within Egyptian universities, in comparison with field observations of students\u2019 lived experiences.<\/p>\n<p>Finally, the paper draws on a range of secondary sources, including academic studies, research papers, and reports \u2013 some previously issued by the Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression (AFTE) \u2013 addressing academic and student rights and freedoms, the status of student unions, and the restrictions imposed on student activities in Egyptian universities. These sources provided a rights-based and documentary background on the policies and practices that have shaped the student sphere since 2013.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h4><span style=\"color: #800000;\"><strong>Introduction<\/strong><\/span><\/h4>\n<p>Historically, universities have been significant spaces where the political, social, and cultural experiences of new generations are shaped. Their role extends beyond the provision of academic knowledge to include the development of personality, the formation of identity, and the creation of opportunities for dialogue, organization, and collective action. For decades, Egyptian universities have been closely associated with student activism, serving as arenas for public debate, the formation of cadres and elites, and the expression of various political and social issues.<\/p>\n<p>However, since 2013, Egyptian universities have undergone profound transformations under policies and legislation that have redefined the boundaries of student activism, as well as the spaces available for expression and organization. At the same time, a new generation of students \u2013 Gen Z \u2013 has emerged. This generation has grown up in a digital environment markedly different from that of previous generations, where technology and social media constitute an integral part of daily life and of how individuals communicate and engage with public issues.<\/p>\n<p>This paper seeks to understand the relationship between Gen Z and Egyptian universities within this context, and to answer a central question: How do Gen Z students perceive universities today? To what extent do universities represent a space for learning, interaction, and participation? And what alternatives do students develop for expression and organization in light of the declining effectiveness of traditional student channels?<\/p>\n<p>By combining survey findings, interviews, and secondary sources, the paper aims to provide an analytical reading of students\u2019 perception of universities, identify the gap between the roles they expect the universities to play and the reality they experience, and highlight the alternative pathways they pursue to sustain forms of participation and collective engagement.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h4><span style=\"color: #800000;\"><strong>Section One: Gen Z and Egyptian Universities in a Shrinking Public Sphere<\/strong><\/span><\/h4>\n<p><strong>What is \u201cGen Z\u201d?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The term \u201cGen Z\u201d refers to individuals born after the mid-1990s and through the beginning of the second decade of the 21<sup>st<\/sup> century, typically defined as those born between 1997 and 2012. This generation follows the Millennials &#8211; also known as Generation Y (born between 1981 and 1996) &#8211; and precedes Generation Alpha, which includes those born between 2013 and 2025.<\/p>\n<p>Gen Z is considered a digital native generation, as its members have never experienced a world before the internet. Rather, they grew up amid the widespread proliferation of smartphones and social media, which have become integral to daily life. As a result, instantaneous communication and digital presence constitute core elements in shaping their social and cultural formation and their worldview.<a href=\"#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\">[1]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Deep engagement with digital technology is widely regarded as the defining characteristic of Gen Z. Unlike Millennials, who witnessed the emergence and gradual spread of the internet, Gen Z individuals were raised in environments where digital technologies, smartphones, and social media were already firmly embedded in everyday life. Consequently, they do not perceive constant connectivity or rapid access to information as technological innovations, but rather as basic conditions accompanying their upbringing from an early age.<a href=\"#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\">[2]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>This digital immersion has shaped multiple aspects of their lives: the internet has become a space for learning, work, social interaction, and entertainment. Platforms such as TikTok and Instagram have evolved into primary tools for communication and content production, while podcasts and digital gaming have taken on roles that extend beyond entertainment to include learning, virtual community-building, and influencing public discourse. Furthermore, this generation demonstrates a high degree of readiness to adopt artificial intelligence technologies and integrate them into study, work, and creative practices, alongside a growing concern with issues of transparency and accountability associated with these technologies.<a href=\"#_ftn3\" name=\"_ftnref3\">[3]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>The defining characteristics of Gen Z can be understood through three key criteria:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Perceived belonging &#8211; the individual\u2019s sense of being part of a specific social group or category;<\/li>\n<li>Shared beliefs and behavioral patterns related to family, religion, and political views;<\/li>\n<li>Shared historical experience, encompassing the events and circumstances individuals encountered during childhood and adolescence that shaped their awareness and life experiences<a href=\"#_ftn4\" name=\"_ftnref4\">[4]<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Unlike Millennials \u2013 whose consciousness was shaped by major events such as the September 11 attacks in 2001, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the global economic recession, and, in the Arab region, the uprisings of the Arab Spring \u2013 most members of Gen Z were either too young at the time or had not yet been born. Their worldview, therefore, has not been formed by those historical moments, but rather in contexts characterized by increasing political polarization and expanding debates around social justice and equality.<a href=\"#_ftn5\" name=\"_ftnref5\">[5]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>In Egypt and the broader Arab region, despite Gen Z\u2019s unprecedented integration into the digital world, they face profound economic and social challenges. The region records some of the highest youth unemployment rates globally, reflecting a structural crisis in integrating young people into traditional labor markets. This reality deepens feelings of uncertainty about the future and pushes young people to prioritize fundamental human security concerns, such as education, healthcare, and economic stability. These challenges are further exacerbated by social and economic inequalities, prompting many members of the generation to seek alternative opportunities within the digital economy and in technology- and internet-based workspaces.<a href=\"#_ftn6\" name=\"_ftnref6\">[6]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong>Egyptian Universities After 2013<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Since 2013, the authorities \u2013 across various institutions and agencies \u2013 have targeted student rights and the spaces available for expression within universities. Security-oriented approaches have been adopted, focusing on arresting, surveilling, and repressing students, banning protests and activities, and permitting police forces to enter university campuses. Students have also faced expulsion and restrictions on activities due to their political activity.<a href=\"#_ftn7\" name=\"_ftnref7\">[7]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>The repression of students and academic life since 2013 has taken place at multiple levels. The first level consisted of direct security repression, as security forces and the army were deployed at universities to suppress student demonstrations, particularly those organized by groups supporting the Muslim Brotherhood, such as the \u201cStudents Against the Coup\u201d movement. These policies led to the arrest of thousands of students in subsequent years, in addition to the permanent expulsion of many students due to their involvement in protest activities.<a href=\"#_ftn8\" name=\"_ftnref8\">[8]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>The second level took the form of administrative and legislative measures. Prior to the 2014-2015 academic year, several decisions were issued to amend university laws. One of the most significant was Law No. 15 of 2014, issued by interim President Adly Mansour, which introduced Article 184 bis into the Universities Organization Law, granting university presidents the authority to expel students permanently without referring their cases to disciplinary boards<a href=\"#_ftn9\" name=\"_ftnref9\">[9]<\/a>. Additionally, President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi issued Law No. 134 of 2014 concerning the reorganization of Al-Azhar, granting the Al-Azhar University\u2019s president the authority to expel students who engage in actions deemed harmful to the educational process without the need for a disciplinary hearing<a href=\"#_ftn10\" name=\"_ftnref10\">[10]<\/a>. As a result, university administrations expelled thousands of students, either permanently or temporarily, due to their participation in political activities on campus. A further decision classified universities among public and vital facilities, making them subject to the jurisdiction of military courts.<a href=\"#_ftn11\" name=\"_ftnref11\">[11]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>These measures extended to faculty members and university leadership. President Sisi reinstated the system of appointing university leaders instead of electing them. In January 2015, amendments to the Universities Law were introduced, allowing for the dismissal of faculty members if they participated in or incited violence, or engaged in partisan activities within the university. This sparked concerns about the political and civil rights of academic staff and was widely seen as a tool to exclude professors opposed to the regime.<a href=\"#_ftn12\" name=\"_ftnref12\">[12]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>The third level targeted student unions. Following 2013, the state suspended student elections for two consecutive years without legal justification. In 2014, new financial and administrative bylaws governing student unions were introduced, including eligibility requirements such as not belonging to a terrorist organization and having prior student activity \u2013 criteria that were vague and effectively used to prevent opposition students, particularly those affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood, from participating in student elections.<\/p>\n<p>In the 2015-2016 academic year, elections were held but were marred by violations affecting their integrity. However, the results were unexpected, with independent students \u2013 advocating university autonomy and freedom of student activity \u2013 winning the presidency and vice presidency of the Egyptian Student Union and securing a majority in its executive office. The Ministry of Higher Education refused to recognize the results and froze the Egyptian Student Union without clear legal justification. Elections were subsequently suspended again in preparation for new student regulations, which imposed more restrictive candidacy conditions and granted universities broader authority to exclude opposition and independent students, including determining whether a student belonged to a terrorist organization.<\/p>\n<p>In August 2017, the Supreme Council of Universities adopted new student bylaws that abolished the national-level student union, limiting representation to faculty- and university-level unions<a href=\"#_ftn13\" name=\"_ftnref13\">[13]<\/a>. In the subsequent 2018 elections, a large number of candidates were excluded on the grounds of not meeting eligibility conditions, reflecting the restrictions within universities. Political and service-oriented student activities declined, many positions were filled uncontested, and the student movement experienced a marked retreat in both presence and influence.<a href=\"#_ftn14\" name=\"_ftnref14\">[14]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>These transformations have reshaped the student sphere within universities, resulting in increased restriction and repression. They have also influenced how students perceive the university and its role. For Gen Z students, whose experiences have been shaped within this restrictive context, their relationship with the university has become the product of an interaction between expectations tied to its educational, social, and political functions, and the daily experiences they encounter on campus.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h4><span style=\"color: #800000;\"><strong>Section Two: Universities as Seen by Gen Z: Between Expectations and Reality<\/strong><\/span><\/h4>\n<p>Gen Z\u2019s relationship with universities is complex. The findings of the survey conducted by AFTE reveal a diversity of views among participating students regarding the role of universities and their relationship with them. Universities are not seen merely as a space for education; rather, a significant proportion of students expect them to play broader social, political, and awareness-raising roles.<\/p>\n<p>However, students\u2019 lived experiences reflect the deep entrenchment of restrictions and the repression of student rights and freedoms since 2013. This has resulted in a widening gap between what students expect and prefer, and what they actually encounter within universities. Consequently, students\u2019 trust in universities and in official student institutions has declined, raising questions about the alternative forms of participation and expression that students pursue outside traditional university frameworks.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong>What Does Gen Z Expect from Universities?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The survey indicates that a large number of students adopt a broad conception of the universities\u2019 role \u2013 one that extends beyond education to include social, cultural, and organizational dimensions. When respondents were asked about the function of universities (with the option to select multiple answers):<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>25 out of 46 respondents (54.3%) selected \u201cdialogue, discussion, and interaction with others\u201d<\/li>\n<li>23 respondents (50%) selected \u201ccollective organization and working with others through different groups\u201d<\/li>\n<li>21 respondents (45.7%) selected \u201cthe formation of social and political identity\u201d as a core function of universities<\/li>\n<li>By contrast, only 13 respondents (28.3%) selected academic education alone<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Although this last percentage remains significant, it is notably lower than those associated with dialogue, collective organization, and identity formation.<\/p>\n<p>These findings suggest that the traditional view of the university as an institution limited to academic instruction does not reflect the dominant perspective among surveyed students. Collective experiences and participation in activities and initiatives appear to be central components of university life. They also indicate that identity and consciousness formation hold a prominent place for Gen Z. For this generation, the university represents a critical stage for developing social and political awareness, as well as the ability to understand and engage with public issues.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong>How Do They Find Universities in Reality?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>While students aspire to spaces of interaction, organization, and engagement with the public sphere through universities, actual practices reflect rigid, highly bureaucratic institutions. These institutions deal with students through a lens of strict control, aiming to suppress opportunities for expression and freedom, and limiting students\u2019 ability to act and participate.<\/p>\n<p>When asked \u201cHow do you view the situation at your current university?\u201d, 45.7% (21 students) stated that the university is an institution that imposes various restrictions on students and on the academic process. This response reflects the escalating security and administrative complexities within universities since 2013, which have led to the implementation of a wide range of regulations restricting student activities, particularly when such activities are independent, such as organizing events or establishing clubs and cultural organizations.<\/p>\n<p>In the same context, 41.3% (19 students) said universities had been reduced to a space for academic instruction only. This reflects respondents\u2019 dissatisfaction, as the university space has effectively been reduced to lecture halls and examination rooms, while spaces for expression, creativity, and dialogue \u2013 expected by students \u2013 have been excluded. Notably, only 8.7% of surveyed students considered their universities to be spaces for free expression.<\/p>\n<p>This pattern becomes even clearer through the analysis of responses to open-ended questions describing students\u2019 relationship with universities. Around 63% of respondents characterized universities as embodying rigid administrative control mechanisms that deprive students of flexible, meaningful knowledge and instead impose standardized, restrictive frameworks. These testimonies reflect a sense of alienation and a growing gap between Gen Z students \u2013 who are seeking to explore themselves and form their identities \u2013 and university administrations that exercise oversight and control.<\/p>\n<p>One student described their university experience as \u201ca mere intermittent flow of rigid knowledge shaped through bureaucratic frameworks\u201d. Another characterized it as \u201ca decaying relationship, both academically and in terms of creating spaces and activities that help individuals grow, discover their identity, and broaden their horizons \u2013 due to its complete failure to address either dimension in any meaningful way\u201d. A third student remarked that university administrations \u201cneed to treat us as human beings,\u201d while another summarized the university\u2019s role simply as \u201cfrustrating students\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>By contrast, approximately 36% of students reported that universities had contributed to the development of their personalities and provided them with valuable social experiences.<\/p>\n<p>Although the survey does not allow for broad generalizations about all Egyptian universities, the results reveal a clear trend within the sample: a significant number of students feel that universities are not fully performing the roles expected of them. While respondents view the university as a space for learning, social interaction, and personal development, their evaluation of actual university experiences indicates the dominance of the narrowly defined academic role, alongside a decline in dimensions related to participation, dialogue, and engagement with public life.<\/p>\n<p>This gap constitutes a key element for understanding Gen Z\u2019s attitudes toward official student institutions, as well as the alternative forms of participation they pursue outside traditional university frameworks.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong>The Crisis of Student Representation<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Historically, student unions have represented the most important legitimate and institutional channel for practicing democracy, expressing student interests, and defending their rights vis-\u00e0-vis university authorities. However, the administrative and political restructuring imposed on Egyptian universities since 2013 has effectively stripped them of their representative and emancipatory function.<\/p>\n<p>The survey results reflect this perception. On a quantitative scale from 1 to 5 (where 1 indicates complete failure and 5 indicates full effectiveness), 21 out of 46 students (over 45%) rated student unions as lacking representation and effectiveness. Only two students assigned the highest rating, indicating full effectiveness and representation. This clearly shows that students perceive student unions as isolated, ineffective entities that do not represent them.<\/p>\n<p>Regarding the independence of student unions from university administrations, 28 out of 46 respondents (over 62%) stated that unions lack independence entirely. Only three respondents believed that student unions could be independent. This suggests that, in the consciousness of Gen Z students, student unions function merely as administrative extensions of university management, tasked with implementing its policies and directives.<\/p>\n<p>As for the ability to make real change, 19 students (43%) indicated that student unions are entirely incapable of producing meaningful change. Only one respondent believed that they are fully capable of doing so. This highlights the perceived inability of student unions, as formal channels, to achieve students\u2019 demands.<\/p>\n<p>Responses to the open-ended question further clarify students\u2019 negative perceptions, revealing two main patterns in their relationship with student unions:<\/p>\n<p>The first perspective views the student unions as largely symbolic and superficial, having been stripped of real powers. As one student explained, university administrations do not seek a body capable of negotiation or defending student rights, but rather one limited to organizing recreational activities such as \u201cconcerts, events, and choir performances\u201d. Another student described the unions as \u201cpurely symbolic\u2026 the dynamic tension and push-and-pull in favor of students vis-\u00e0-vis the university administration are absent, due to the deliberate weakening of student groups and their capacity to act\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>The second perspective suggests that student unions have become instruments for enforcing authority, favoritism, and administrative control. As one student put it: \u201cIt becomes a clique \u2013 no one else can get in. If you have a conflict with one of them, you\u2019re blacklisted\u2026 and only those they favor get access to trips and seminars.\u201d Another added: \u201cStudents treat their positions as a way to show they are better than others, while simultaneously enforcing the university\u2019s authority.\u201d A third pointed to the issue of legitimacy, noting: \u201cElections have been suspended for more than three years now, and everything is run by acclamation.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Nevertheless, the findings do not present a completely uniform picture. A limited number of respondents acknowledged that student unions continue to perform certain useful functions, such as organizing activities, facilitating communication with university administrations, or helping resolve day-to-day student issues. However, these views remained significantly less prominent compared to the overwhelmingly negative assessments in open-ended responses.<\/p>\n<p>These results indicate that low participation in student unions cannot simply be interpreted as a lack of interest among Gen Z in public affairs or collective action. On the contrary, earlier findings show that a significant proportion of respondents believe universities should provide opportunities for dialogue, organization, and collective work. It therefore appears that disengagement from student unions is more closely linked to lack of confidence in their effectiveness and representational capacity than to rejection of participation itself.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h4><span style=\"color: #800000;\"><strong>Section Three: Alternative Pathways<\/strong><\/span><\/h4>\n<p>The survey findings reveal a clear contradiction in the experiences of Gen Z within Egyptian universities. On the one hand, responses indicate that students view universities as a space that should enable dialogue and interaction with others, contribute to the development of personality and social identity, and provide opportunities for organization and collective action. On the other hand, actual practices reflect the limited scope of these roles and a decline in trust in official student institutions, foremost among them the student unions.<\/p>\n<p>This contradiction becomes more evident when examining the issue of freedom of expression on campus. Out of 46 respondents, 21 (approximately 45.7%) reported that they had, at some point, refrained from taking a particular action within the university due to fear of potential consequences. When elaborating on the nature of these actions, respondents frequently referred to avoiding the expression of political or social opinions, or refraining from engaging in certain public activities and initiatives. This finding points to the presence of forms of self-censorship, which lead students to reassess what they can express or practice within the university environment.<\/p>\n<p>These constraints do not necessarily indicate a decline in Gen Z\u2019s interest in public affairs or a retreat from participation. On the contrary, as previously noted, survey results show that a large proportion of respondents view dialogue, interaction, and collective work as essential functions of the university. What appears to be declining, therefore, is not the willingness to participate, but rather trust in the spaces and channels available at universities to facilitate such participation.<\/p>\n<p>In this context, seeking alternative spaces for expression, organization, and interaction becomes understandable. As opportunities for participation shrink within formal frameworks, students tend to shift part of their discussions and activities to more flexible environments \u2013 whether through social media platforms or informal initiatives and networks. This helps explain the emergence of various attempts among Gen Z students in recent years, which can be seen as efforts to recreate new forms of participation beyond the traditional boundaries imposed by university administrations.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong>Social Media as an Alternative Space for Expression<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The policies and practices adopted by security authorities and university administrations since 2013 have significantly reduced and restricted the spaces available for student expression and activity, a trend confirmed by the survey findings. In response, some students have turned to social media as an alternative arena for discussion and expression.<\/p>\n<p>This shift is particularly significant when viewed in light of the defining characteristics of this generation, which has grown up in a digital environment where online platforms are integral to daily life, communication, information exchange, and the building of social relationships.<\/p>\n<p>Survey results indicate that the use of social media is not a marginal practice among respondents but is directly linked to the constraints they experience on campus. Nearly half of respondents reported refraining from certain actions or expressions due to fear of repercussions within the university. At the same time, digital platforms have emerged as spaces where opinions and positions can be expressed more freely.<\/p>\n<p>Students\u2019 responses further show a preference for closed or semi-closed platforms as safer environments for expression. References to WhatsApp and Telegram groups were frequent, as they provide greater privacy compared to open platforms, while other platforms such as Facebook and X (formerly Twitter) were also mentioned to varying degrees. This highlights the importance of security and the ability to control one\u2019s audience when choosing a platform for expression or discussion.<\/p>\n<p>Concerns about surveillance and repercussions extend beyond the campus to digital spaces as well. Survey findings indicate that a number of respondents have previously deleted posts or content from their accounts due to fears of possible consequences related to the university, while others expressed hesitation or uncertainty about doing so. This suggests that self-censorship is not confined to the physical university environment but extends, to varying degrees, into the digital sphere. Nevertheless, for many Gen Z students, social media still represents a broader space for expression and exchange of views compared to traditional channels available within the university.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong>Pro-Palestine Student Activism: Reclaiming Collective Action<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Israeli war on the Gaza Strip since October 2023 has represented one of the most significant moments that revived new forms of student activism among segments of Gen Z. While survey responses indicated declining trust in formal student institutions and weak participation in student unions, the mobilization around the Palestinian cause demonstrated students\u2019 ability and willingness to create alternative spaces and forms of organization for participation and collective action outside controlled traditional frameworks.<\/p>\n<p>The mobilization at the American University in Cairo (AUC) stands out as a prominent example. Since the outbreak of the war, students organized demonstrations, protest vigils, seminars, and various cultural events in solidarity with Palestine. Initially, their demands focused on urging the university to issue a statement condemning violations committed in Gaza and to provide scholarships and assistance to Palestinian students enrolled at the university. As the war continued, these demands expanded to include cutting ties with companies accused of supporting the Israeli occupation \u2013 most notably AXA Insurance and HP Inc. \u2013 as well as calls for greater transparency regarding the university\u2019s investments and the allocation of tuition fees, and ensuring that no resources are directed to companies listed on boycott lists.<a href=\"#_ftn15\" name=\"_ftnref15\">[15]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>During this period, the university witnessed a wide range of activities, including marches, protests, absentee funeral prayers, and seminars on Palestinian history and methods of resistance. The period also saw the revival of the \u201cJerusalem Club,\u201d a student organization focused on the Palestinian issue that had been inactive for years before resuming after the events of October 7. In addition, the \u201cAUC Students for Palestine\u201d movement was established as an independent initiative including students and alumni, aiming to pressure the university administration to respond to demands for boycott and transparency.<\/p>\n<p>One of the most notable moments of this mobilization occurred in April 2024, when protests called for disclosure of the university\u2019s investments and the termination of any relationships with companies supporting Israel. Students also used the annual cultural week events to present their demands to a wider audience, with some taking the stage to call for boycott measures and financial transparency. However, these activities faced restrictions imposed by campus security, including attempts to disperse participants and remove banners raised by students.<a href=\"#_ftn16\" name=\"_ftnref16\">[16]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>As student mobilization gained momentum, the university administration began imposing additional restrictions on public events. These included requiring prior notification for any marches or protests and granting campus security the authority to terminate unauthorized activities. Some former students were also barred from entering campus to participate in events, and several students were stopped or searched for carrying materials or banners supporting Palestine.<a href=\"#_ftn17\" name=\"_ftnref17\">[17]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>In a similar context, Egyptian public universities witnessed another attempt to establish an alternative student framework through the launch of the \u201cStudents for Palestine\u201d movement in May 2024. The initiative presented itself as a student-led effort to support the Palestinian people and defend the rights of Palestinian students in Egypt. It also called for banning advertisements for companies supporting Israel within universities and exempting Palestinian students from tuition fees.<a href=\"#_ftn18\" name=\"_ftnref18\">[18]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Shortly after the movement\u2019s launch, security agencies responded with a harsh crackdown on three of its founders, namely Ziad El-Basyouni, Mazen Ahmed Deraz, and Mohamed Ibrahim, who were arrested successively for their involvement in establishing a student organization. In the early hours of 9 May 2024, security forces arrested El-Basyouni (a student at the Higher Institute of Dramatic Arts under the Academy of Arts) and Deraz (a medical student at Mansoura University). They were forcibly disappeared for four days before appearing on 13 May before the State Security Prosecution, which ordered their detention for 15 days pending investigation in Case No. 1941 of 2024 (State Security), on charges including joining a terrorist organization and spreading false news.<\/p>\n<p>On 9 May also, a six-member security force entered Mansoura University, arrested Ibrahim inside a lecture hall, held him in the dean\u2019s office, and interrogated him for more than six hours regarding his support for Palestine, without clear justification or legal warrant. He was later released with instructions to meet the dean two days later, where he was reprimanded and warned against engaging in any activities on campus. Ibrahim subsequently posted on X criticizing the dean\u2019s treatment and warning. One week later, he was arrested from his home and appeared before the State Security Prosecution in connection with the same case.<a href=\"#_ftn19\" name=\"_ftnref19\">[19]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>The three students were prevented from taking their end-of-year examinations during their detention. Deraz\u2019s family tried to obtain his university documents, but Mansoura University refused, claiming that he could not take exams because they were practical in nature, despite the existence of both theoretical and practical exams. Deraz\u2019s family succeeded in obtaining his documents and submitted them to the prosecution, which told them that Deraz was imprisoned and then referred them to prison authorities, who in turn referred them back to the prosecution, leaving the family caught in a bureaucratic loop.<\/p>\n<p>As for Ibrahim, his family submitted two requests for him to be allowed to sit for his exams: the first came a week after his arrest, at the start of the exam period, and the second was submitted midway through the exams on 12 June. AFTE also filed a third request with the Prisons Authority. The response indicated that approval from the faculty and the university to establish special exam committees for incarcerated students was a fundamental prerequisite for granting permission and transferring the student from his place of detention to Gamasa Prison, which is designated for holding exams. The university refused, arguing that the coursework is practical in nature and requires the student\u2019s physical presence on campus.<\/p>\n<p>Ibrahim\u2019s family ultimately succeeded in postponing the exams as a last resort after efforts to enable him to attend had failed<a href=\"#_ftn20\" name=\"_ftnref20\">[20]<\/a>. On 22 July 2024, the State Security Prosecution ordered the release of the three founders of the \u201cStudents for Palestine\u201d movement.<\/p>\n<p>These developments demonstrate that the decline in the effectiveness of traditional student channels has not led to the disappearance of student participation. Rather, it has pushed segments of Gen Z to seek more flexible and independent forms of collective action. In this context, the Palestinian cause has functioned as a unifying platform through which students have rebuilt networks of solidarity and organized independent initiatives outside traditional representative structures \u2013 even as these efforts continue to face restrictions and pressures.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h4><strong><span style=\"color: #800000;\">Conclusion and Recommendations<\/span><\/strong><\/h4>\n<p>This paper highlighted the gap between Gen Z\u2019s perceptions of universities and the actual practices and everyday experiences within Egyptian universities. While a broad segment of the survey respondents view universities as a space for learning, dialogue, social interaction, and identity formation, the reality they describe reflects the dominance of narrow academic functions and a decline in spaces for participation, expression, and organization on campus.<\/p>\n<p>The survey findings also show that the decline in trust in student unions and formal representative institutions is not due to students\u2019 disengagement from public affairs or rejection of collective action. Rather, it is more closely linked to their perception of the limited impact of these structures, their lack of independence, and their inability to represent students\u2019 interests effectively. In this context, many students sought alternative spaces for expression and communication \u2013 either through digital platforms or through informal initiatives and networks.<\/p>\n<p>The experience of pro-Palestine student mobilization further demonstrates that the desire for collective action remains present among segments of Gen Z. It also shows that the restrictions imposed on the student sphere have not led to the disappearance of participation, but rather have pushed it to take new and more flexible forms. Accordingly, understanding the relationship between Gen Z and Egyptian universities requires not only examining the constraints within universities, but also considering how students reconstruct spaces for participation and expression outside traditional frameworks.<\/p>\n<p>These findings suggest that the future of university life depends not only on improving the educational process, but also on the ability of universities to reclaim their role as spaces for dialogue, pluralism, and meaningful student participation.<\/p>\n<p><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"><strong>Accordingly, the paper recommends the following:<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Ensuring respect for the right to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly on university campuses, in accordance with the Egyptian Constitution and international standards for academic rights and freedoms<\/li>\n<li>Guaranteeing the integrity and independence of student elections to enable genuine student representation<\/li>\n<li>Reviewing the regulations governing student activities and unions to remove unnecessary restrictions on participation and organization within universities<\/li>\n<li>Strengthening the independence of student unions and granting them real powers that enable them to represent students and negotiate with university administrations on their behalf<\/li>\n<li>Developing more transparent university policies regarding the management of student activities and decision-making processes that affect campus life.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<pre><a href=\"#_ftnref1\" name=\"_ftn1\">[1]<\/a> \u201cGen Z: Youth Born with the Digital Revolution,\u201d Al Jazeera, 1 January 2026, <a href=\"https:\/\/shorter.me\/zBi6B\">https:\/\/shorter.me\/zBi6B<\/a>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref2\" name=\"_ftn2\">[2]<\/a> \u201cWhat Is Gen Z?\u201d, McKinsey &amp; Company, 28 August 2024, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.mckinsey.com\/featured-insights\/mckinsey-explainers\/what-is-gen-z\">https:\/\/www.mckinsey.com\/featured-insights\/mckinsey-explainers\/what-is-gen-z<\/a>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref3\" name=\"_ftn3\">[3]<\/a> Ibid\r\n\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref4\" name=\"_ftn4\">[4]<\/a> Amal Shams, \u201cGen Z: Key Characteristics and Future Prospects,\u201d Future Horizons, January 2025, p. 106\r\n\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref5\" name=\"_ftn5\">[5]<\/a> Ziad Abdel Tawab, \u201cGen Z: What Do They Read and How Do They Read?\u201d, International Politics, 19 December 2022, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.siyassa.org.eg\/News\/18465.aspx\">https:\/\/www.siyassa.org.eg\/News\/18465.aspx<\/a>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref6\" name=\"_ftn6\">[6]<\/a> Ahmed Abdel Halim, \u201cWhy Does Gen Z Live in \u2018Illusory Independence\u2019?\u201d, Noon Post, 7 December 2025, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.noonpost.com\/343688\/\">https:\/\/www.noonpost.com\/343688\/<\/a>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref7\" name=\"_ftn7\">[7]<\/a> \u201cViolations of Academic Freedom (Paper Submitted to the National Dialogue),\u201d AFTE, 27 June 2023, <a href=\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/research\/research-papers\/2023\/06\/27\/34754-afteegypt.html\">https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/research\/research-papers\/2023\/06\/27\/34754-afteegypt.html<\/a>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref8\" name=\"_ftn8\">[8]<\/a> \u201cStrangling the Public Sphere: The State of Freedom of Expression in Egypt, 2014,\u201d AFTE, p. 13\r\n\r\nWeekly Harvest of University Violations: Days Before Final Exams Begin\u2026 Continued Police Raids on University Campuses and Mass Arbitrary Arrests,\u201d AFTE, 27 April 2014, <a href=\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/research\/monitoring-reports\/2014\/04\/27\/7483-afteegypt.html\">https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/research\/monitoring-reports\/2014\/04\/27\/7483-afteegypt.html<\/a>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref9\" name=\"_ftn9\">[9]<\/a> Presidential Decree Amending the Universities Regulation Law, State Information Service, 18 February 2014, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.sis.gov.eg\/Story\/84389?lang=ar\">https:\/\/www.sis.gov.eg\/Story\/84389?lang=ar<\/a>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref10\" name=\"_ftn10\">[10]<\/a> Presidential Decree-Law No. 134 of 2014, 22 October 2014, <a href=\"https:\/\/manshurat.org\/node\/3601\">https:\/\/manshurat.org\/node\/3601<\/a>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref11\" name=\"_ftn11\">[11]<\/a> Law No. 136 of 2014, 27 October 2014, <a href=\"https:\/\/manshurat.org\/node\/6563\">https:\/\/manshurat.org\/node\/6563<\/a>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref12\" name=\"_ftn12\">[12]<\/a> Mohamed Bassal, \u201cSisi Issues Legislation on the Dismissal of University Professors,\u201d Al-Shorouk, 16 January 2015, <a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/3IUTjMP\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/3IUTjMP<\/a>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref13\" name=\"_ftn13\">[13]<\/a> Cabinet Approves Student Regulations; Union Elections Next Week, Masrawy, 23 November 2017, <a href=\"https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/5dfr47hm\">https:\/\/tinyurl.com\/5dfr47hm<\/a>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref14\" name=\"_ftn14\">[14]<\/a> \u201cAn Out-of-Coverage Union: A Review of Student Union Elections at Egyptian Universities (2011\u20132021),\u201d AFTE, 22 April 2021, <a href=\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/research\/research-papers\/2021\/04\/22\/21636-afteegypt.html\">https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/research\/research-papers\/2021\/04\/22\/21636-afteegypt.html<\/a>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref15\" name=\"_ftn15\">[15]<\/a> According to a report by the non-governmental organization SumOfUs, AXA Insurance has activities and investments in Israeli military manufacturing and settlement activities in the occupied Palestinian territories. Regarding HP Inc., a US-based multinational information technology company headquartered in Palo Alto, California, questions have been raised since October 2023. Boycott advocates have called for avoiding its products, alleging that the company supports and finances Israeli activities in prisons and provides financial support to Israel through multiple means, including multimillion-dollar donations and investments in companies linked to Israel.\r\n\r\nRabab Azzam, \u201cAmerican University Students Accuse Administration of Funding the Gaza Genocide,\u201d Zawia Thalitha, 23 April 2024, <a href=\"https:\/\/zawia3.com\/auc\/\">https:\/\/zawia3.com\/auc\/<\/a>\r\n\r\nInterview with a student at the American University via the Signal application\r\n\r\nAnthropology, Sociology, and Egyptology Society at the American University in Cairo, post dated 22 April 2024, <a href=\"http:\/\/surl.li\/ixfrjd\">http:\/\/surl.li\/ixfrjd<\/a>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref16\" name=\"_ftn16\">[16]<\/a> American University Students for Palestine Instagram page, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.instagram.com\/p\/C6uEovSLijH\/?img_index=1\">https:\/\/www.instagram.com\/p\/C6uEovSLijH\/?img_index=1<\/a>\r\n\r\nInterview with a student at the American University via the Signal application\r\n\r\nInterview with a student at the American University via the Signal application\r\n\r\nAnthropology, Sociology, and Egyptology Society at the American University in Cairo, op. cit.\r\n\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref17\" name=\"_ftn17\">[17]<\/a> Interviews with several American University students via the Signal application\r\n\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref18\" name=\"_ftn18\">[18]<\/a> Students for Palestine Facebook page, post dated 7 May 2024; accessed on 2 December 2024, <a href=\"http:\/\/surl.li\/hrvpsj\">http:\/\/surl.li\/hrvpsj<\/a>\r\n\r\nDiaf Islam (2024): \u201cEgyptian Universities: Where Do They Stand in Relation to the Global Student Movement Supporting Palestine,\u201d Al-Safir Al-Arabi, 7 June; accessed on 9 October 2024, <a href=\"http:\/\/surl.li\/alwfzg\">http:\/\/surl.li\/alwfzg<\/a>\r\n\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref19\" name=\"_ftn19\">[19]<\/a> Legal Aid Unit, AFTE\r\n\r\n<a href=\"#_ftnref20\" name=\"_ftn20\">[20]<\/a> Ibid<\/pre>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Content Methodology Introduction Section One: Gen Z and Egyptian Universities in a Shrinking Public Sphere Section Two: Universities as Seen by Gen Z: Between Expectations and Reality Section Three: Alternative Pathways Conclusion and Recommendations &nbsp; &nbsp; Methodology This paper adopts a methodology that combines both primary and secondary data to understand Gen Z\u2019s perceptions of [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":88,"featured_media":41453,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_lmt_disableupdate":"no","_lmt_disable":"","_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[968,970],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-41452","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-research-en","category-research-papers-en"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v26.1.1 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>Gen Z and Restrictions on Freedom of Expression in Egyptian Universities - Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Gen Z and Restrictions on Freedom of Expression in Egyptian Universities - Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Content Methodology Introduction Section One: Gen Z and Egyptian Universities in a Shrinking Public Sphere Section Two: Universities as Seen by Gen Z: Between Expectations and Reality Section Three: Alternative Pathways Conclusion and Recommendations &nbsp; &nbsp; Methodology This paper adopts a methodology that combines both primary and secondary data to understand Gen Z\u2019s perceptions of [&hellip;]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2026-06-28T11:42:53+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2026-06-28T12:13:03+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/06\/Gen-Z-and-Restrictions-on-Freedom-of-Expression-in-Egyptian-Universities-cover.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"928\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"515\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"somaya magdy\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"somaya magdy\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"26 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html\",\"name\":\"Gen Z and Restrictions on Freedom of Expression in Egyptian Universities - Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/06\/Gen-Z-and-Restrictions-on-Freedom-of-Expression-in-Egyptian-Universities-cover.jpg\",\"datePublished\":\"2026-06-28T11:42:53+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2026-06-28T12:13:03+00:00\",\"author\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/#\/schema\/person\/9537868c09310194a86fae05da54bce8\"},\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/06\/Gen-Z-and-Restrictions-on-Freedom-of-Expression-in-Egyptian-Universities-cover.jpg\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/06\/Gen-Z-and-Restrictions-on-Freedom-of-Expression-in-Egyptian-Universities-cover.jpg\",\"width\":928,\"height\":515},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Home\",\"item\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Gen Z and Restrictions on Freedom of Expression in Egyptian Universities\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/\",\"name\":\"Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression\",\"description\":\"Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/#\/schema\/person\/9537868c09310194a86fae05da54bce8\",\"name\":\"somaya magdy\",\"image\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/#\/schema\/person\/image\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/312cbdcfb5105409f675745b087377f9145cc02581d6b3232f386e97842ddcee?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/312cbdcfb5105409f675745b087377f9145cc02581d6b3232f386e97842ddcee?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"caption\":\"somaya magdy\"},\"url\":\"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/author\/somaya\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Gen Z and Restrictions on Freedom of Expression in Egyptian Universities - Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html","og_locale":"en_US","og_type":"article","og_title":"Gen Z and Restrictions on Freedom of Expression in Egyptian Universities - Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression","og_description":"Content Methodology Introduction Section One: Gen Z and Egyptian Universities in a Shrinking Public Sphere Section Two: Universities as Seen by Gen Z: Between Expectations and Reality Section Three: Alternative Pathways Conclusion and Recommendations &nbsp; &nbsp; Methodology This paper adopts a methodology that combines both primary and secondary data to understand Gen Z\u2019s perceptions of [&hellip;]","og_url":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html","og_site_name":"Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression","article_published_time":"2026-06-28T11:42:53+00:00","article_modified_time":"2026-06-28T12:13:03+00:00","og_image":[{"width":928,"height":515,"url":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/06\/Gen-Z-and-Restrictions-on-Freedom-of-Expression-in-Egyptian-Universities-cover.jpg","type":"image\/jpeg"}],"author":"somaya magdy","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_misc":{"Written by":"somaya magdy","Est. reading time":"26 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html","url":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html","name":"Gen Z and Restrictions on Freedom of Expression in Egyptian Universities - Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/#website"},"primaryImageOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html#primaryimage"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/06\/Gen-Z-and-Restrictions-on-Freedom-of-Expression-in-Egyptian-Universities-cover.jpg","datePublished":"2026-06-28T11:42:53+00:00","dateModified":"2026-06-28T12:13:03+00:00","author":{"@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/#\/schema\/person\/9537868c09310194a86fae05da54bce8"},"breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html#primaryimage","url":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/06\/Gen-Z-and-Restrictions-on-Freedom-of-Expression-in-Egyptian-Universities-cover.jpg","contentUrl":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/06\/Gen-Z-and-Restrictions-on-Freedom-of-Expression-in-Egyptian-Universities-cover.jpg","width":928,"height":515},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/research-en\/2026\/06\/28\/41452-afteegypt.html#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Home","item":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"Gen Z and Restrictions on Freedom of Expression in Egyptian Universities"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/#website","url":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/","name":"Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression","description":"Association of Freedom of Thought and Expression","potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"en-US"},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/#\/schema\/person\/9537868c09310194a86fae05da54bce8","name":"somaya magdy","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/#\/schema\/person\/image\/","url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/312cbdcfb5105409f675745b087377f9145cc02581d6b3232f386e97842ddcee?s=96&d=mm&r=g","contentUrl":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/312cbdcfb5105409f675745b087377f9145cc02581d6b3232f386e97842ddcee?s=96&d=mm&r=g","caption":"somaya magdy"},"url":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/author\/somaya"}]}},"modified_by":"somaya magdy","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/41452","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/88"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=41452"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/41452\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":41459,"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/41452\/revisions\/41459"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/41453"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=41452"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=41452"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/afteegypt.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=41452"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}