Prepared by: The Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression’s (AFTE) Monitoring and Documentation Unit
Content
Methodology
Introduction
First section: A reading into the major political developments in 2023
Second section: Media freedom
Third section: Freedom of creativity and artistic expression
Fourth section: Digital rights
Fifth section: Academic freedom and student rights
Sixth section: Right to peaceful demonstration and assembly
Methodology
This report reviews and analyzes the general policies of the Egyptian authorities and their various agencies towards the right to freedom of expression in its various forms in 2023. It also highlights the key patterns of violations in the various fields of freedom of expression, mainly including freedom of the press and media, freedom of creativity and artistic expression, academic freedom, student rights and digital rights, in addition to the right to peaceful demonstration and assembly during 2023. In this regard, the report relied on the databases of AFTE’s Monitoring and Documentation Unit, the cases undertaken by AFTE’s Legal Aid Unit over the year, testimonies of non-AFTE lawyers who worked on other cases, in addition to testimonies of victims of violations documented by AFTE. The report provides an analysis of the patterns of violations that occurred during the year through intensive follow-up and research scrutiny. It notes new patterns of violation in each file of freedom of expression, compared to the traditional patterns that AFTE documented in recent years.
Introduction
In late 2023, the National Election Authority (NEA) announced the re-election of President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi for a third term ending in 2030. This came after presidential elections that AFTE described in a previous report as lacking legitimacy, against the backdrop of the exclusion of independent candidate Ahmed al-Tantawi from the presidential race after a series of violations that deprived him of collecting the public endorsements required to run in the race.
The year did not begin like it ended, as it began with broad ambitions among observers for an imminent political breakthrough that would slacken the suffocating security grip on the public sphere and all outlets of expression and organization within it. These expectations were not imaginary, but rather evidenced by many indicators, as President Sisi decided in late 2021 to suspend the state of emergency for the first time since 2016 and launched the first national strategy for human rights during a conference held under his patronage. In late April 2022, the president called for a political dialogue that brings together partisan and youth political forces without exclusion or discrimination, with the aim of reaching a consensus on the priorities of national action during the next stage. The call came during a ceremony where the president received a number of opposition figures, including former presidential candidate Hamdeen Sabahi. The president also decided to reactivate the presidential pardon committee after its reformation, in order to look into cases of prisoners of conscience. Despite numerous reservations about the standards of the committee’s work and its real role, it contributed to the release and pardon of more than 1,500 prisoners of conscience.
A year after the president’s call, the national dialogue began in May 2023. However, a significant number of opposition figures suspended their participation in or withdrew from the dialogue, either due to the continued security crackdown on opinion holders and political activists, or the mismanagement and disorganization of the national dialogue itself, which appeared to be isolated from everything around it. A number of those who participated in the dialogue were even targeted, prosecuted and arrested, as was the case with the head of the independent teachers’ union.
The year 2023 ended, while the right of citizens to freedom of expression is still besieged. The opening of the public sphere was nothing but false government propaganda.
First section: A reading into the major political developments in 2023
An unsuccessful first round of national dialogue
The first round of the national dialogue came up with some recommendations on various issues, all of which were deficient and unsatisfactory to most of the opposition parties that participated in the dialogue sessions. The political authorities disregarded a number of guarantees that the Civil Democratic Movement had set to participate in the dialogue.
The president’s call for national dialogue came as one of the messages of political calm that the authorities had to make after the country came under extensive international pressures over human rights violations, political restrictions and the monopolization of the public sphere. These pressures coincided with a grinding economic crisis that affected the popularity of the political system day after another and led to the rise of social anger to unprecedented levels. As the presidential elections were approaching at the time, the authorities resorted to calm.
These messages began with the president’s decision to suspend the state of emergency for the first time since 2016, the launch of the national strategy for human rights, and the reactivation of the presidential pardon committee after expanding its membership and terms of reference.
In general, none of these steps reflected a real will from the authorities’ side to improve the conditions of the political reality or stop violating human rights, even partially. It can be said that these steps were just cosmetic and aimed to withstand the increasing pressures on the government internally and externally, especially with the increasing doubts of international and regional allies about the Sisi government’s ability to overcome its economic and political crises.
Mismanagement and ineffective recommendations
The process of organizing and managing the national dialogue sessions was characterized by randomness, confusion and imbalance. The sessions looked more like a seminar than a dialogue table, which affected the outcomes of the sessions and reduced the chances of reaching consensus and bringing points of view closer, in order to reach a common ground as a desired goal in itself. Moreover, the way the floor was given to speakers during the sessions restricted the serious engagement in the discussion of the various ideas that were put forward, which resulted in the failure to bring views closer and led participants to leave the sessions with unchanged positions. It was also obvious that there were red lines in some instances. During a session on encouraging freedom of expression, AFTE’s executive director criticized the monopoly by the United Media Services (UMS), which is owned by the General Intelligence Service, of local media outlets, stressing the need to reveal the company’s sources of funding. Some pro-government participants attacked AFTE’s executive director, and the chairman of the national dialogue’s board of trustees rejected what he called the questioning and distorting of the UMS and demanded that the comment on the company be deleted from the session’s minutes. The whole speech of AFTE’s executive director was later deleted and was not even broadcast. The dialogue’s recommendations were revised and filtered by the technical secretariat. They were generally deficient and did not reflect the discussions on various axes, nor did they result in any tangible change in the governing economic, political and social policies. The most consensual issues were not discussed before the national dialogue. These included the reconsideration of the maximum period of pretrial detention stated in the Criminal Procedures Law, and the most appropriate electoral system for the upcoming parliamentary elections in 2025.
Who has the decision to sort out the issue of prisoners of conscience?
Despite the president’s decision to reactivate the presidential pardon committee after increasing the number of its members to include lawyer Tariq al-Awady and former Minister of Manpower and member of the opposition Dignity Party Kamal Abu Eita, and expanding its jurisdiction to include indebted inmates who are imprisoned for their inability to pay off financial debts, the experience of a year and a half confirms that the security authorities are solely responsible for selecting the prisoners of conscience who would be pardoned or released from detention. The presidential pardon committee’s role was limited to receiving requests from citizens, prisoners’ families, and human rights organizations, filtering them, and then placing them at the disposal of the security authorities. Despite the great efforts exerted over the past months, which resulted in the release of more than 1,500 prisoners of conscience, the process of selecting those released was extremely selective and lacked any governing standards or determinants. In short, there was no real will to sort out this issue definitively and decisively, or even take real steps in this regard, although political and rights forces had submitted implementable proposals aimed at achieving prompt and comprehensive justice.
Meanwhile, the Egyptian authorities continued cracking down on opinion holders, as AFTE documented the arrest of a number of citizens for expressing their opinions in various forms. The number of those arrested exceeded the number of those released through presidential pardons. Among those arrested was Dr. Mohamed Zahran, the founder of the Teachers’ Independence Movement. He was arrested in early September when he was preparing for the celebration of the Egyptian Teacher’s Day, and after his participation in the national dialogue’s education committee. He was released on 16 September. Over 30 volunteers in Ahmed al-Tantawy’s electoral campaign were also detained in conjunction with the national dialogue sessions. Moreover, the Emergency Supreme State Security Court handed down a prison sentence for rights activist Patrick Zaki, but he was later pardoned by a presidential decree.
Elections lacking legitimacy
The first round of the national dialogue was followed by an early call for the 2024 presidential elections, which were expected to take place during the first quarter of 2024, but reports in July and August said the election dates might be brought forward. Indeed, the NEA announced that the elections would be held during the last quarter of 2023. Official circles said the reason behind the move was to hold the vote before the judicial supervision term ends in January. Various opposition groups criticized the move, saying the judicial supervision term could be extended. They argued that the Egyptian authorities brought the elections forward in order to restrict the time available for the opposition to get prepared for the polls. Others attributed the authorities’ move to the need to take difficult economic decisions, most notably the devaluation of the local currency, which could have an impact on the electoral process.
The decision to bring the voting dates forward raised doubts about the authorities’ seriousness in holding fair elections where all citizens are allowed to compete in a safe environment. However, once the NEA announced the election dates on 25 September, strong signals began to suggest the Egyptian authorities’ desire to allow the security services to control the electoral process by setting restrictions that help determine the results of the first phase of the elections. During this phase, a presidential candidate must secure endorsements from 20 MPs or 25,000 registered voters from at least 15 out of 27 governorates, with a minimum of 1,000 endorsements from each governorate. Restrictions in this regard included:
- The NEA allocated 217 notary offices nationwide for citizens to fill in endorsement forms, compared to 389 offices during the 2018 elections, giving no reason for this significant reduction. This made it difficult for presidential hopefuls to collect the required endorsements. The geographical distribution of these offices indicated that many of them were not commensurate with the population of the governorates they are located in, something which added more difficulty to the process.
- Supporters of opposition candidates, especially those of former MP Ahmed al-Tantawy, were prevented from filling in endorsement forms. AFTE documented different ways of prevention, including mobilization of citizens in front of notary offices from the early minutes of opening the offices until the end of the day. A number of Tantawy’s supporters were also physically assaulted by unknown persons in civilian clothes, sometimes in front of the eyes of the police forces which did not intervene to prevent the assault nor did they respond to calls for help. Hundreds of Tantawy’s supporters had to wait in front of notary offices for hours every day without managing to fill in endorsement forms, as the notary officials claimed that the electronic registration system was down. The massive crowds in front of the notary offices – whether being mannered or natural – were noticeable to everyone, including the NEA, which did not respond to many complaints nor did it resolve the crisis by increasing the number of notary offices. The NEA asked the notary offices to continue working as long as there were citizens waiting to fill in endorsement forms. But this was not implemented, according to AFTE researchers who were present at several notary offices in Cairo and Giza.
- Security targeting of members of Tantawy’s campaign: AFTE documented raging security campaigns targeting members of Tantawy’s campaign and his friends, as at least 140 of them were arrested. These campaigns began when Tantawy announced his presidential bid and criticized President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi harshly, blaming him for the deteriorating economic, political and social conditions in Egypt. Police forces arrested 12 relatives and friends of Tantawy in May, including his paternal uncle and maternal uncle. The prosecution charged them with possessing inflammatory leaflets, fireworks, and explosives. Security targeting increased as Tantawy began to form his election campaign and the NEA opened the door for potential candidates to collect endorsements. The State Security Prosecution levelled the usual charges against Tantawy’s supporters and campaign members. These charges included joining a terrorist group and spreading false news. The Egyptian authorities escalated their crackdown on Tantawy and his campaign, as the judicial authorities referred him, his campaign manager, and 21 members of his campaign to the Matareya Misdemeanour Court, which on 6 February 2024 sentenced Tantawy and his presidential campaign manager Mohamed Moussa Abu al-Diyar to one year in prison and ordered each to pay a bail of 20,000 pounds to suspend the implementation of the ruling. The court sentenced the other 21 defendants in the case to one year in prison with labour and banned Tantawy from running for parliamentary elections for a period of five years. The court charged Tantawy and his campaign manager with complicity by incitement, agreement, and provision of one of the election papers (Form No. 4) to the other 21 defendants and printing and circulating it without permission from the competent authority. It also charged the rest of the defendants with printing and circulating an election paper (Form No. 4) without license. The 21 defendants were referred to the prosecution after their arrest in October on charges of joining a terrorist group and circulating electoral papers, in Case No. 2255 of 2023 (State Security).
- The National Election Authority (NEA) committed several violations during the first phase, as it refused to acknowledge violations or irregularities during the process of collecting endorsements, without conducting any investigation or listening to the testimonies of those who were prevented in various ways from filling in endorsement forms. It described the candidates’ complaints as false allegations. It, moreover, prevented some leading members of Tantawy’s campaign from entering its headquarters to submit complaints and videos stating that citizens were assaulted and prevented from filling in endorsement forms, thus breaching the rules of its work.
- Sisi supporters began to be present outside notary offices as of the noon of 25 September, although the NEA held its press conference at 3 pm that day. This indicates that they had prior knowledge of the election dates, something that violates the standards of fair competition and questions the independence of the NEA.
“Citizen Lab” announces the hacking of Tantawy’s phone
The crackdown on Tantawy did not only begin with the stage of collecting popular endorsement forms, but it had begun since he announced his intention to run for the presidential elections months earlier. On the same day that the NEA announced the official dates for the elections, the Canada-based Citizen Lab, which is concerned with digital rights and cybersecurity, announced that Tantawy’s phone was targeted with Predator spyware.
According to The Washington Post, Tantawy was targeted with a previously unknown method called “zero-day”. “Zero-day exploits are particularly dangerous and valuable because they take advantage of as-yet-undiscovered security gaps,” the paper said. “In this case, Tantawy would not have had to click on anything to be infected,” it added.
The Predator spyware was developed by a Macedonian startup called Cytrox, operating mainly in Israel and Hungary. It is believed to be used by customers in different countries such as Armenia, Egypt, Greece, Indonesia, Madagascar, Oman, Saudi Arabia and Serbia.
Predator, said Citizen Lab, is a surveillance tool providing its operator “complete and persistent access to a target’s mobile” and allowing the extraction of “passwords, files, photos, web history, contacts, as well as identity data (such as information about the mobile device)”.
Predator can also take screengrabs and monitor user input, as well as activate a mobile’s microphone and camera, allowing hackers to monitor all activity on and in the vicinity of the device, such as conversations conducted in real life. Virtual chat messages can be recorded as they are sent and received, even if sent via encrypted or disappearing-message-enabled apps like WhatsApp or Telegram, as can phone and VoIP calls, including calls through “encrypted” calling apps.
Like other high-end spyware sellers, Cytrox says it sells its products to government agencies only. Given that Egypt is a known Predator client, and because one of the hacking attempts was made by a device physically located inside Egypt, Citizen Lab said it had “high confidence” that the Egyptian government was responsible for the attack on Tantawy’s phone.
Commenting on the incident, Tantawy issued a statement saying: “The spying operation allowed the theft of all files and data stored on my phone, recording calls, including calls from applications that use the internet, and turning the device’s microphone and camera on to allow recording conversations that take place nearby even when it is switched off.”
Second section: Media freedom
AFTE documented 23 different incidents in 2023 that contained at least 29 violations against the media community. These included the Supreme Council for Media Regulation’s (SCMR) use of its various powers to crack down on independent websites and platforms, by blocking them, investigating their staff, or submitting complaints to the Public Prosecution about them. The violations also included the arrest of at least three journalists and the illegal detention of another. Arrests of journalists in 2023, however, decreased by at least 14 cases compared to 2022. The violations also included judicial decisions and procedures against journalists, despite Article 71 of the constitution prohibiting custodial penalties for “crimes committed by publishing and publicity”. The violations also included banning some from TV appearance, deleting parts of an interview with a former presidential hopeful, suspending some journalists, and referring others to investigation.
These violations coincided with the national dialogue sessions. The violations documented by AFTE during 2023 indicate that the crackdown on journalists continued without any change at the policy level, which we will clarify by reviewing the key patterns of media freedom violations in 2023.
Key patterns violations
Expanded targeting of independent news websites
After the state-owned UMS controlled most media outlets in the country, a few number of independent news websites continued to operate away from the state’s arms, but they were not spared from continued practices that obviously violated media freedom. These included blocking of websites, arrests, and ban on publication. The SCMR referred some websites to the Public Prosecution, obstructed the issuance of licenses for some independent websites, and sometimes used such obstruction to justify the blocking of others.
The Egyptian authorities expanded their crackdown on independent news websites over various reports that contained information or views that the authorities did not like.
Mada Masr came on top of the independent websites that were targeted more than once during 2023. AFTE documented the referral[1] of three Mada Masr journalists, namely Bisan Kassab, Rana Mamdouh, and Sarah Seif El-Din, to the Mansoura Economic Court in Dakahlia Governorate on charges of insulting Nation’s Future Party MPs and misusing social media.
The three journalists were notified on different days in February 2023 about a decision to refer them to the Mansoura Economic Court, following a complaint filed against them at the Kafr Saqr police station in Sharqia Governorate. The journalists have not previously been investigated or even notified of the complaint. A citizen filed the complaint, accusing the three journalists of insulting members of the Nation’s Future Party and offending national leaders, something which could threaten the stability and societal peace in the country.
The case started when Mada Masr published a report on 31 August 2022 quoting sources within the Mostaqbal Watan Party as saying that state oversight agencies had implicated senior members of the party in “grave financial violations” that could result in their removal from their positions. This prompted party members to file hundreds of complaints in different geographical areas against the outlet.
On 7 September 2022, the prosecution summoned the three journalists, in addition to the website’s editor-in-chief Lina Atallah, for interrogation over at least 500 complaints that had been filed and that were included in Case No. 19 of 2022 (Cairo Appeals Investigations). The chief appeal prosecutor noted that up to 800 other complaints had not been included in the case.
The prosecution charged the journalists with spreading false news that would disturb public peace and harm the public interest, causing a disturbance via social media, and insulting and slandering the MPs of the Mostaqbal Watan Party. The prosecution also levelled an additional charge against Atallah of creating a website without a license. This is despite the fact that Mada Masr submitted several requests for a license, but the SCMR ignored all of them. During the investigation, the SCMR told the Public Prosecution for the first time that it had rejected the outlet’s licensing requests.
After the interrogation concluded, the Public Prosecution released the journalists on a bail of 20,000 Egyptian pounds for Atallah, and 5,000 pounds for each of the other three journalists. Nevertheless, complaints did not stop, as the journalists were referred to trial in 2023.
The crackdown on Mada Masr continued, as the SCMR held an urgent meeting on 15 October where it decided to refer[2] journalists at the website to investigation and notify the Public Prosecutor “in case violations and spreading false news are proven”. The SCMR said in a Facebook statement at the time that it had received numerous complaints accusing the website of publishing what it described as “inflammatory reports to harm Egypt’s national security, citing unidentified sources”. The reports were about Egypt allowing the entry of some Palestinians displaced from the Gaza Strip, in contravention of laws and codes of media ethics, professionalism and credibility.
The statement added that the complaints received by the SCMR indicated that the Egyptian state – represented by the President of the Republic, the foreign minister and senior officials – stressed its historical and firm position that rejects the liquidation of the Palestinian cause and the displacement of Palestinians from their lands, and emphasizes the need to establish a Palestinian state. It noted that no single Egyptian official had talked about the displacement of Palestinians at the time. For its part, Mada Masr said[3] in a Facebook statement: “We reviewed the report and found out that its headline might be understood in a different way from its content, and therefore we changed it to read ‘hard Egyptian negotiations on scenarios of possible Palestinian displacement imposed by Israel’; we apologize to our readers for any misunderstanding.”
However, the SCMR decided to block the website for six months, on the grounds that it “practiced media activity without obtaining a license from the SCMR, in violation of Articles 6 and 59 of Law No. 180 of 2018”. The SCMR said in a Facebook statement that the website published “false news without checking sources, thus deceiving the public and harming national security”. The statement said the SCMR took its decision after an investigation session during which it listened to statements by the website’s editor-in-chief regarding the complaints submitted against the website. The SCMR also decided to refer the matter to the Public Prosecution to take action.
In the same context, AFTE documented the blocking of the Soulta 4 website. The website’s editor-in-chief and founder, Rimon Wageeh, said he was surprised on 10 June that he was unable to access the website while it was being updated. He made sure that the website was blocked inside Egypt because users abroad were able to access it. He noted that the Journalists Syndicate had informed him that the website was blocked due to his failure to apply for a license in accordance with Law No. 180 of 2018. He stressed that he had been seeking a license for some time and had already established a company affiliated with the General Authority for Investment, but the SCMR requested capital equivalent to 100,000 pounds, so he had to modify the licensing procedures.
Meanwhile, the founder of the Masr 360 website, Hussein Bahgat, said[4] his website was blocked on 17 June, stressing that he did not receive any warnings or signals indicating the possibility of blocking the website. As soon as he confirmed the blocking, Bahgat contacted the Journalists Syndicate and it told him that the website was blocked due to the lack of license, despite the fact that he submitted a request to the SCMR for a license more than six months earlier, but did not receive any response, something which negates the justifications made by the Journalists Syndicate.
The two websites were likely blocked due to the content they published. The Soulta 4 website covers political and party news, especially news of the opposition Civil Democratic Movement, while the Masr 360 website mainly covers news of human rights violations and has recently criticized the acquisition by Emirati companies of Egyptian assets.
AFTE conducted some technical tests which showed the inability to access the two websites.
Matsaddaash platform said in a Facebook statement[5] on 19 August that it had been hacked and two reports posted on its Facebook page had been removed. The two reports tackled the involvement of a number of Egyptian officials in the Zambian plane case. The platform said in its statement that its journalists were also subjected to security crackdown in conjunction with the cyber-attack.
Meanwhile, the SCMR decided on 10 October[6] to conduct an immediate investigation with those in charge of the “Saheeh Masr” website and refer them to the Public Prosecutor if the violation attributed to them is proven. This came after the website published a report on the prohibitions set by the UMS for its platforms regarding the coverage of the presidential elections. The SCMR said it had received several complaints accusing the website of spreading false news and causing sedition among the electorate with the intention of distorting the image of the elections. It said the election coverage had met the highest media standards at the international level, and that it did not prevent any media outlet that applied to cover the elections from coverage, even if they did not obtain a license. The complaints stated that the Saheeh Masr website committed violations that contradicted the media codes set by the SCMR, as well as the international and Egyptian standards of media coverage. The SCMR further said it would not hesitate to take measures to maintain media justice and ensure adherence to legal, professional and ethical standards, in order to preserve the great role the Egyptian media played in covering the elections.
The Egyptian authorities continued to target independent news websites during the third quarter of 2023. The “Zat Misr” website was subjected to “severe pressures” [7] that forced it to shut down for 24 hours on 27 August, according to an official at the site who spoke to AFTE. The audience could not access the website, which featured a white page with a caption reading “closed for maintenance”.
This came days after the website published an interview with former Tourism Minister Mounir Fakhry Abdel Nour. The interview was conducted by the site’s chairman Salah al-Din Hassan. In the interview, Abdel Nour talked about the economic crisis and the presidential elections, saying “agencies” interfered in the elections. The site was back to normal 24 hours later, but Abdel Nour’s interview was deleted.
A source at the site said this happened after Abdel Nour’s interview caused major troubles, which it did not reveal, prompting the site to shut down for 24 hours in an attempt to absorb the anger.
Abdel Nour’s interview was the third in a series of controversial interviews that Zat Misr made with public figures to comment on the current situation in Egypt. The first interview was made with the vice president of the Nation’s Future Party, Hossam al-Khouli, who decided to withdraw from the interview after the site’s editor-in-chief, Moawad Gouda, asked him about the party’s relationship with the security services.
The source attributed the site’s crises to its second launch, as it began to clash politically more than before, given the nature of the stage.
Zat Misr was hacked again on 16 October. A source at the site said: “We were surprised that the site disappeared after we tried more than once to access its domain, but to no avail.” The site’s programmer confirmed that there were over 30 attempts to access the site. “Someone tried to access it and change the system settings on ‘GoDaddy’; it was not a staff member,” he said.
He added: “This led to the inability of anyone from the administration or the public to access the site.” He said the matter did not stop there, as the website’s Facebook page also had several issues, the latest of which was that it was completely hacked and its admins were not able to access it for more than two weeks without any notifications from the Facebook administration. A number of recorded interviews were deleted from the page, the most prominent of which was an interview with journalist Nasr al-Qaffas. The source described the interview, which had almost a million views, as “a heated political interview”, in which al-Qaffas criticized the authorities’ closure of the public sphere.
“We called the Facebook administration to ask about what happened to the page and how to restore it after it was hacked. Indeed, we restored the page, but the harassment did not cease, as the Facebook administration continued to put restrictions on topics published on the site’s page four years ago. One of these was a link to a study about the Palestinian situation and Hamas. The link led to nothing, as it was linked to the old site that was deleted. The Facebook administration claimed that the link led to a content that violated its policies. It imposed another restriction on 10 October on a news item related to Operation “Al-Aqsa Flood” in Gaza,” he said.
He noted that Facebook was reviewing all the videos published on the page, which exceeded 2,500 in number, and the page is currently restricted and cannot be accessed despite the high number of views of the videos on YouTube.
In the same context, the leading member of the Civil Democratic Movement, Eng. Yehya Hussein Abdel Hadi, said on his Facebook page on 21 July that “those in charge of the Zat Misr website had to remove my article titled ‘Who speaks for Egypt?’ hours after it was published” [8]. “I apologize for the embarrassment the article caused to them,” he said. He later refused to comment on the matter further. The article, according to Abdel Hadi, drew a comparison between the 2018 presidential elections and the latest ones.
In this regard, a source at Zat Misr said after Abdel Hadi’s article was published “we received a notice saying that the article will cause us legal troubles and therefore we deleted it so as not to face legal accountability”. The source did not mention the body that sent the notice.
Arrest of journalists in 2023
The Egyptian authorities released a number of journalists during the first and second quarters of 2023, after they spent years in prison. They included Ahmed Allam, Ahmed Fayez, and Hisham Abdel Aziz. However, security crackdown on journalists continued.
Journalist Hassan al-Qabbany was arrested on 3 May 2023, in conjunction with the World Press Freedom Day and the start of the first sessions of the national dialogue. Security forces arrested[9] Qabbany at dawn from his home and took him to an unknown destination. The head of the Journalists Syndicate, members of the syndicate’s council, and coordinator of the national dialogue Diaa Rashwan were contacted to intervene to release him, and indeed he was released several hours later.
Meanwhile, journalist Karim Asaad of the “Matsaddaash” platform was arrested during the third quarter of 2023. Matsaddaash, an independent press platform founded by late journalist Mohamed Aboul Gheit while he was in London in 2018, said in a statement that Asaad was arrested at 1am on 19 August after plainclothes police raided his house, beat his wife, threatened their child, scattered the house’s contents, and then took him to an unknown place.
According to the statement[10], Asaad was only asked during his detention about the coverage of the plane heading from Egypt to Zambia. At the time, the authorities in Zambia announced the seizure of a plane coming from Cairo to Lusaka and carrying $5.7 million in cash, 602 metal bars suspected of being gold, five pistols and 126 bullets. Meanwhile, the head of the Journalists Syndicate, Khaled al-Balshy, later confirmed Asaad’s release after communicating with the bodies concerned. Asaad remained in detention for nearly 48 hours.
Meanwhile, Karim al-Shaer, a journalist in charge of graphics and social media management at the Al-Horia news website was arrested on 29 October 2023[11]. A police force arrested him on the street while he was on his way to a hospital near the Ramses district in downtown Cairo. He appeared before the State Security Prosecution 24 hours later. The prosecution remanded him in custody for 15 days pending investigation into Case No. 2468 of 2023 (Supreme State Security). His arrest came against the backdrop of the pro-Palestinian protests staged on 20 October. According to the site, a letter was sent to the Public Prosecution noting that al-Shaer was present near the protests that day, as he was assigned by the website administration to cover the protests. However, this did not help his legal status and he remained in detention.
Usual press violations
The past year witnessed a number of usual press violations. In February 2023, journalist Mohamed Salah was banned from performing his job duties at the Zamalek Club. He told AFTE that he went to the club in Mit Oqba on 3 February 2023 to perform his job duties as a sports journalist covering the club’s news, but a security guard at Gate 3 prevented him from entering under the pretext that the club’s head, Mortada Mansour, issued instructions to prevent the entry of any man with “long hair”. Salah said that a member of the club’s board of directors contacted him and apologized to him for what happened, explaining that it was an individual mistake and the entry ban decision does not apply to journalists, but to club members, and that as a journalist he is welcome to enter the club any time.
On 26 April, journalist Asma Hassan of Al-Fagr newspaper said she was detained inside the Zamalek Club by the club’s president, Mortada Mansour[12]. In an interview with journalist Ahmed Galal posted on Facebook, Hassan said she learnt that there were troubles in the club, lights there were turned off as of 10 o’clock in the evening, and the club members were asked to leave. So, she went to the club to cover the incidents. She filmed the situation live, where no club members were there. While filming, she saw the club’s security guards trying to take another journalist to Mansour’s office by force, so she decided to leave the club. Then, the guards closed the club’s doors and prevented her from leaving, giving no reasons for that. She said she was panicked and asked for help. As people gathered, the doors were opened and she left, but the guards pursued her, claiming that she sought fame and wanted to trigger problems. Then, she called the police and went to the Agouza police station and filed a report about the incident. Then, she had a chat with Mansour about the live filming and he asked her to submit a note to the club’s security guards, as if he did not know anything about the incident, although it was filmed. Meanwhile, head of the Journalists Syndicate Khaled al-Balshy and members of the syndicate’s council followed up the situation until Hassan filed a report at the police station.
On 14 January 2023, the privately owned Al-Nahar TV announced in a statement that the “New Republic” show and its host Mona Al-Omda were suspended[13], and that Al-Omda, her team and those in charge of the show were referred to immediate investigation. This came after an episode of the show contained what the channel called violations and mistakes. The station, accordingly, decided to suspend the show until it is returned to the right track or permanently cancelled as per the professional work ethics and the codes that regulate media work. Al-Omda noted during the investigations that she had performed ear surgery that caused her voice to change in the last two episodes, as a result of some painkillers and medications that she took after the surgery. She later announced that she had left the channel, noting that her contract had expired.
On 13 January, head of the Media Syndicate Tariq Saada issued a decision to refer Yasmine Ezz, the presenter of the “Kalam al-Nas” show on MBC Masr TV, to investigation over alleged professional and legal violations[14]. Saada said the decision was based on recommendations of the syndicate’s media observatory as well as numerous complaints received by the syndicate.
Meanwhile, the privately owned CBC TV on 2 July referred its presenter Radwa al-Sherbiny to investigation[15] over a Facebook post that the channel said “offended” its name.
Sherbiny said in her post: “I do not understand why girls do not like to eat the meat of sheep, but they like to get in a relationship with one.” The post sparked widespread criticism against her.
CBC TV said on X (formerly Twitter) that it had decided to refer Sherbiny to investigation over “a post on her [Facebook] page which offends the name of the corporation, although it was not shared on any platform of the channel”. Although the TV channel said Sherbiny’s post was not shared on any of its platforms, it saw that it was necessary to impose societal guardianship, monitor the presenter’s Facebook page, and refer her to investigation. This practice has been repeatedly adopted by the channels owned by the United Media Services, without announcing any results of these investigations, in what seems to be an attempt to absorb the public anger on social media.
In the same context, former presidential candidate and head of the Egyptian Social Democratic Party, Farid Zahran, announced on his Facebook page that a recorded interview he gave to TV host Osama Kamal of the privately owned DMC channel would be broadcast on 23 September 2023, during which he presented – for the first time – his electoral program and the party’s comprehensive vision[16]. However, the interview was not broadcast on time. Kamal said later[17] that the interview was not broadcast due to technical reasons related to sound. The interview was later broadcast, but not in full. Zahran then issued a clarification confirming that only part of the interview was broadcast, thus affecting the messages he aimed to deliver.
Third section: Freedom of creativity and artistic expression
The Egyptian authorities and key players in the creative scene in the country continued to crack down on creative people in 2023. AFTE documented at least 19 violations against freedom of creativity over the year. The Syndicate of Musical Professions topped the list of entities that targeted creative people, as it continued to target mahraganat singers and rappers. It committed a number of violations, including banning a concert by an American rapper, suspending singers from work, and referring others to investigation. Art-centric syndicates played a key role in violations against creative people. The Acting Professions Syndicate banned artists who are not affiliated with it. The security services also played a leading role in restricting creative work at the Cairo International Book Fair, the most prominent annual event on the cultural level. Meanwhile, abuse of poet Galal al-Beheiry, who has been imprisoned since 2018, continued.
Key patterns of violations
Publishing houses and publications banned from participating in the book fair
AFTE documented the banning by security services of some books from being displayed or issued to participate in the 54th Cairo International Book Fair, which kicked off on 25 January. The security services also banned a writer from obtaining a registration number for his book and prevented Libyan publishing houses from participating in the fair due to political disagreements.
During the first week of the fair, author Dr. Mohamed Medhat Mustafa announced on his Facebook page[18] that his book, published by Al-Muntada Publishing House under the title “The history of the Zionist movement and its organizations”, was removed from the house’s pavilion at the fair without clear reasons. The publishing house, meanwhile, said that the security authorities demanded that the book be removed, without sending an official notification to the house. It noted that the authorities did not confiscate the book, adding, however, that it was subjected to “security harassment that created an uncomfortable atmosphere”. “We do not know the reason for that, especially as the book is academic, chronicling the history of the Zionist associations in Egypt, their beginnings and their roles in the period before the July 1952 Revolution, from a completely neutral point of view,” the house said in a statement.
Sayed Saber, the publishing director at Al-Muntada, described what happened as security harassment that led the publishing house to remove the book from its shelves. Days later, the author announced again on his Facebook page that the book was back on display at the fair, without knowing the exact truth of what happened. Mustafa thanked “those who stood in solidarity with freedom of expression until the book’s return,” in an indication that the return of his book to the shelves of the house’s pavilion came thanks to the wave of solidarity on social media.
In the same context, two books written by political writer Anwar al-Hawari were banned from being displayed at the fair. The two books, “The Taming of Tyranny” and “The New Dictatorship”, contained an explicit criticism of the authorities. They were banned upon an order from an unknown body, and without a legal basis, so the books were moved from the shelves to the closed cartons.
Sudanese writer Ehab Adlan told AFTE that his book “Homethology: Controversy of Identity and Myth” was confiscated from the book fair.
In the same context, Dr. Khaled Abdel Rahman, a former member of the “Doctors Without Rights” movement, said that his book was banned from display at fair. He said: “After we agreed with the publisher and finished writing, only the registration number was left for the book to be printed. However, the publisher informed me that the book was prevented from obtaining a registration number, without giving reasons from the censorship bodies.”
Political disagreements were also a reason for banning Libyan publishing houses from participating in the fair. The head of the Libyan Publishers Union, Ali Awain, revealed in a statement[19] carried by several news websites the reason behind banning Libya from participating in the fair which was held from 25 January 25 to 6 February 2023.
Art-centric syndicates continue crackdown on creative works
The Syndicate of Musical Professions continued to take arbitrary decisions against creative people. It played a role of guardianship over Egyptian artists at home and abroad, and continued to issue intimidating statements regarding the artists’ appearances.
During the second quarter of 2023, the syndicate revoked permits it had earlier granted to Live Nation to hold a concert for American rapper Travis Scott at the Giza pyramids area on 28 July.
The syndicate’s decision came after the announcement of the concert’s date stirred controversy, as some shared negative opinions about Scott’s concerts, arguing that his concerts turn into events for drug-taking and immoral acts. The syndicate, therefore, responded to these concerns and cancelled the concert. Some criticized the syndicate’s decision saying that it did not only impose guardianship on freedom of creativity, but also had a negative impact on tourism in general and artistic tourism in particular.
Although the syndicate retracted its decision and allowed the production company to hold the concert if it obtains the necessary security approvals, the company said the concert would not be held for logistical reasons.
The syndicate did not stop playing the role of censor over its members, as it commented on the controversy that arose on social media about the appearance of singer Ahmed Saad[20] during a concert in the Saudi city of Jeddah, where he donned a transparent shirt and had two earrings in his ears. The syndicate said it was considering rules for bold looks on the stage.
Commenting on this, the syndicate’s lawyer, Alaa Amer, said in press statements that the syndicate’s council would discuss the issue in its coming meeting to reach a decisive decision on it.
The syndicate continued to intimidate its members, by referring some to investigation and suspending others from work.
On 26 August[21], head of the Syndicate of Musical Professions Mustafa Kamel decided to refer mahraganat singers Omar Kamal and Hamo Beka to investigation. Kamel wrote on his Facebook page: “In response to what I saw and what was broadcast by the two colleagues Ahmed Abdel Aziz and Mohamed Moussa, I decided to assign Dr. Mohamed Abdullah, chairman of the investigation and dispute resolution committee, to ask the legal affairs department to summon Omar Kamal and Hamo Beka for investigation immediately.”
The two singers were referred to investigation over their song “You’re nasty”. They were fined 50,000 pounds each and suspended from singing and performing at concerts for a week, according to Kamel. The syndicate decided in September[22] to lift the suspension after its term expired.
The Syndicate of Musical Professions said in a statement released in August that it had decided to suspend mahraganat singer Ahmed Khaled, known as “Kusbara”, and withdraw his singing license. This came after the singer released a video clip that contained what the syndicate called indecent words. A picture of late Egyptian chemist Ahmed Zewail featured in the background of the video, something which the syndicate considered an unacceptable offense to one of the Egyptian national symbols. The syndicate, moreover, filed a complaint at the Public Prosecution against the singer.
The syndicate’s legal affairs department interrogated the singer and when it asked him about Zewail’s picture in the video, he apologized for using it and deleted it from the clip, saying that he never intended to offend the late chemist and that it was the vision of the director of the work. He said that he respects the Egyptian scientists including Dr. Ahmed Zewail and promised not to repeat the act again. He then signed the investigation report. But the investigation process included violations, as Kusbara was forced to modify a protected creative content and was also forced to sign an illegal pledge agreement.
On 3 September[23], the syndicate decided to permanently ban Lebanese singer Sarah Al Zakaria from performing in Egypt, and withdrew her license after investigating her over what the syndicate considered unacceptable sexual overtones that are inconsistent with Egyptian and Arab traditions and values, during a concert she performed in the North Coast.
The syndicate also fined the concert’s organizer Yasser Hariri 100,000 pounds for signing a contract with Zakaria although “he knew she has a history of breaking stage traditions”.
The decision came after Zakaria jokily asked the audience during the concert: “Are they all on pills or what?” She interspersed her songs with such sentences as “He’s a dog, the son of 600 dogs” and “I’ll totally expose him on stage,” which the syndicate considered obscene, insulting, and corrupting to the public.
Following in the footsteps of the Syndicate of Musical Professions, the Syndicate of Acting Professions on 25 November ordered the “Masha” film production company, which produced the “Belly of the Whale” TV series, a fine of one million pounds, and banned the syndicate members from dealing with the director of the series, Ahmed Fawzy Saleh, warning that whoever cooperates with him would have their membership at the syndicate cancelled. This came after a famous TikToker participated in the series.
Head of the Syndicate of Acting Professions Ashraf Zaki said he was going to take strict measures against Saleh. He banned members of the syndicate from dealing with Saleh after an “intruder” participated in the TV series that Saleh directed. Zaki further stressed that he would give the syndicate members who did not pay their subscription fees for less than three years a grace period of two weeks to pay the fees, otherwise their names would be written off and they would be banned from work. He warned that their membership in the syndicate would be eventually cancelled.
Meanwhile, the syndicate decided to stop dealing with three casting directors[24], namely Ahmed Tammam, Khaled Safwat and Ahmed Ismail, for allegedly violating Law No. 35 of 1978 on the establishment of syndicates and the Union of Syndicates of Acting, Cinema, and Musical Professions.
The syndicate also issued a decision not to authorize 20 artists to work, and to take legal action against them for their work without a permit. The head of the syndicate called on all production companies to ban dealing with them until their status is regularized, pointing out that the syndicate would take legal action against them if they do not respond to the regulations. Those artists are Randa Abdel Salam, Nardine Farag, Amr Gamal, Engy Kiwan, Yasmine Daoud, Nina Al-Maghrabi, Omar Sharqi, Amr Mamdouh, Shaima Al-Sharif, Sally Hammad, Marwan Younis, Fadwa Abed, Otaka, Salah Al-Dali, Rahma Hassan, Elham Wagdy, Anas Mubarak, Hala Khaled, Youssef Wahby and Hagar Al-Sarrag.
Abuse of Galal Al-Beheiry continued
On 5 March 2023[25], poet Galal Al-Beheiry decided to go on a partial hunger strike and later decided to go on a full hunger and drink strike, in protest against his continued detention for five years. He decided to end his strike on 5 June 2023.
AFTE’s lawyer submitted a complaint in March 2023 demanding Al-Beheiry’s quick transfer to the prison’s hospital to receive healthcare, after he went on a full hunger strike for three months, during which he refrained from taking antidepressants and his heart medication. However, the authorities ignored the complaint, and the Criminal Court continued to renew his detention, despite his full hunger strike at the time, which put his life at risk.
On 5 September 2023, Al-Beheiry went again on a full hunger strike after exceeding the two-year pretrial detention limit set by law.
AFTE’s lawyer submitted complaint No. 50598 of 2023 to the Public Prosecution asking it to launch an investigation into Al-Beheiry’s second hunger strike, and demanding his release pursuant to Article 143 of the Criminal Procedures Law.
Al-Beheiry was arrested at the Cairo International Airport on 3 March 2018 as he was going to travel abroad. He was brought before the State Security Prosecution in connection with Case No. 480 of 2018 (Supreme State Security), known in local media as the “Balaha song”. He faced charges of joining a terrorist group, spreading false news, and insulting the President of the Republic. The prosecution remanded him in custody for 15 days pending investigation. On 17 April 2019, he was released under precautionary measures, and on 24 February 2024, the State Security Prosecution lifted these measures.
On 31 July 2021, Al-Beheiry ended a jail term he received in Case No. 4 of 2018 (Misdemeanour Military Prosecution). However, the Ministry of Interior didn’t release him, as he remained in detention from 5 August 2021, when he arrived at Kafr Shukr police station, to the 16th of the same month. He was transferred to the National Security headquarters in Benha and then appeared before the Supreme State Security Prosecution in the Fifth Settlement on 5 September 2021, charged in Case No. 2000 of 2021. The prosecution charged him with joining a terrorist group with knowledge of its purposes and spreading false news that would harm public security, and then remanded him in custody for 15 days pending investigation.
Fourth section: Digital rights
The Egyptian authorities continued to violate the digital rights of citizens and prosecute them during 2023. This resulted in restricting spaces for expression on social media and the internet in general, as the last available windows for expression. Since 2013, the authorities have restricted all means of expression, including social media and news websites, and controlled various media outlets. In this regard, AFTE reported 31 incidents involving 38 violations in 2023.
These violations included targeting citizens for sharing posts or videos criticizing the government’s political, economic, and social policies. They also included targeting politicians, party members, and those who attempted to shed light on the practices of the security services or on events that the authorities did not wish to alert the public to.
The violations also included targeting citizens for producing satirical videos for the purpose of making profit from social media and not criticizing or commenting on state policies. Moreover, court rulings against content creators and citizens were an important part of the violations. The authorities, meanwhile, continued to block various human rights websites as a means of punishment and exclusion.
More than 73% of the violations reported in 2023 were politically motivated. Most of them were committed against citizens who criticized government policies or addressed current crises through posts or videos on various social media platforms, such as Facebook, TikTok and YouTube. A number of party members were arrested for their activity on social media. Relatives of some prisoners were also arrested for sharing information about their imprisoned relatives on Facebook. Moreover, dissidents were prosecuted.
Key patterns of violations
Citizens arrested for sharing posts critical of political and economic conditions
The Egyptian authorities continued to crack down on individuals for expressing their opinions on Facebook by sharing posts criticizing the state’s economic policies, in light of the current economic crisis in the country.
Ahmed Abdullah Mohamed El-Mogy, a 25-year-old tuk-tuk driver, was arrested from his home at around 3am on 4 January 2023 for sharing several Facebook posts on price hikes. He was taken to the National Security headquarters in Mansoura, where he was held for 10 days. On 15 January, he appeared before the Supreme State Security Prosecution, which remanded him in custody for 15 days pending investigation into Case No. 95 of 2023 (Supreme State Security).[26]
On 13 February 2023, six plain-clothes policemen arrested Mohamed Ibrahim Farid Gabr from his home in Alexandria. They took him to an unknown destination before he appeared before the Public Prosecution the next day (14 February) in connection with Case No. 549 of 2023. The prosecution remanded him in custody for four days for sharing a number of posts on social media criticizing the government’s economic policies. On 18 February, the prosecution renewed his detention for 15 days pending investigation. Gabr is a staff affairs director at the Ministry of Irrigation. He does not belong to any political movement. He is a poet, and his latest work was the song “Al-Khair Goana”, which was presented during a Police Day celebration at the Opera House in Alexandria. He suffers from liver cirrhosis, weak immunity and tears in the ligaments of the back.[27]
On 27 March 2023, security forces arrested Dr. Hany Soliman and forcibly disappeared him for more than a week. He appeared before the State Security Prosecution on 2 April in connection with Case No. 508 of 2023 (Supreme State Security).
Soliman is a former marketing manager at Pfizer in the Middle East, a consultant of dermatology and venereology, and a former director of the National Training Institute at the Ministry of Health.[28]
In the same context, a National Security police force raided the house of Dr. Ahmed al-Tabakh, a 45-year-old professor at the Faculty of Dentistry at Misr University for Science and Technology, in Sheikh Zayed, Giza governorate, on 22 February 2023. The police searched the house and confiscated Tabakh’s personal belongings, including his mobile phone, computer, his daughter’s phone and camera. Tabakh was then forcibly disappeared, despite moves by his family to know his whereabouts. The family asked the Giza Security Directorate, but the latter denied his presence there. The family then filed complaints at the cabinet and submitted three petitions to the Public Prosecutor demanding disclosure of his place of detention. Tabakh appeared before the Sheikh Zayed Prosecution on 19 April 2023. The prosecution remanded him in custody for four days pending investigation into Case No. 1266 of 2023 (Second Zayed Misdemeanor).[29]
In all the abovementioned cases, citizens from different social classes and professions were arrested for sharing Facebook posts criticizing the economic and political situation in the country. The prosecution charged these citizens with joining a terrorist group, misusing social media, and spreading false news.
Citizens arrested for sharing videos on social media addressing various situations and government policies
On 2 January 2023, security forces arrested Wael Mohamed Ahmad Radwan, a 49-year-old tyre worker, near his home in Faisal neighbourhood in Giza. He was taken to a National Security office in Giza and remained there until he was presented to the Public Prosecution on 4 February 2023. The prosecution remanded him in custody for 15 days pending investigation into Case No. 184 of 2023 (Supreme State Security).[30]
Security forces also arrested Nabil George, a 39-year-old member of the Egyptian Social Democratic Party, from his house in Al-Zawia Al-Hamra neighbourhood in Cairo on 15 February 2023. He was interrogated in Case No. 325 of 2023 (Supreme State Security). On 12 March 2023, the prosecution renewed his detention. Prior to his arrest, George had had heart surgery and was therefore in need of medical care[31]. He was released on 1 May 2023.
Ahmed Sameh al-Hefnawy was arrested on 8 October 2023 in front of his house in Kafr al-Sheikh. Hefnawy, 32, is a former media officer at Tamarod Movement (a grassroots movement founded to register opposition to late President Mohamed Morsi and force him to call early presidential elections) in Kafr al-Sheikh and works in a jewellery shop. He and his father-in-law were taken to Kafr al-Sheikh police station. His father-in-law was released later, but Hefnawy was taken to the National Security headquarters in Kafr al-Sheikh, where he was blindfolded and illegally interrogated over a video he shared. He remained in detention for two days and then brought before the prosecution on 11 October for interrogation in connection with Case No. 2284 of 2023 (Supreme State Security).[32]
In the same context, Mohamed Ramadan Asr, a 42-year-old property guard, was arrested on 12 August in Mokattam district in Cairo. He was investigated in Case No. 1976 of 2023 (Supreme State Security).[33]
Sherif Ahmed Ibrahim was arrested on 31 August, and interrogated on 2 September in Case No. 2064 of 2023 (Supreme State Security). He is a 22-year-old security recruit.[34]
Mohamed Ibrahim Abdo was arrested on 21 August 2023 from his home in Menoufia. He appeared before the prosecution on 28 August in Case No. 2064 of 2023 (Supreme State Security). Ibrahim, 31, was detained in Badr 2 prison.[35]
Hussein Mohamed Hussein, a theater artist and a freelancer, was arrested in Mostorod neighbourhood in Shubra Al-Kheima, Qalyubia governorate, on 13 December 2023. He has not been investigated since his arrest.
Haitham Khalifa was arrested from a café in Zagazig on 13 September 2023. He was transferred to the National Security headquarters in Zagazig and then deported to Cairo, where the prosecution remanded him in custody for 15 days pending investigation. He was held in the 10th of Ramadan prison.[36]
These cases are similar in terms of the charges levelled against those arrested. Wael Mohamed Ahmed Radwan, Mohamed Ramadan Asr, Mohamed Ibrahim Abdo and Hussein Mohamed Hussein shared videos on TikTok about the price hikes that followed the devaluation of the local currency against the US dollar, as well as other crises, including the power cuts. Nabil George and Haitham Khalifa shared videos on YouTube and TikTok about politics and the presidential elections. For his part, Ahmed Sameh al-Hefnawy did not address the economic and political situation or the energy and inflation crises, but rather addressed the killing of Israeli tourists in Alexandria. Sherif Ahmed Ibrahim was arrested for joining a non-commissioned police officer in posting a video on TikTok insulting the Ministry of Interior.
These cases indicate that the security crackdown on citizens results not only from criticism of government policies, but also from the dissemination of information about certain incidents that may contradict the official narrative.
In this regard, the prosecution charged the defendants with joining a terrorist group, spreading false news, and misusing social media.
Citizens arrested for sharing entertainment videos on social media
Security forces arrested Mohamed Hossam El-Din, Basma Hegazy, Ahmed Ali El-Khouly and Ahmed Tariq on 25 January 2023 for publishing a satirical video on Facebook under the title “The Visit”, which talked about a visit to a detainee at a police station. On 29 and 30 January 2023, the State Security Prosecution decided to detain the defendants for 15 days pending investigation into Case No. 184 of 2023 (Supreme State Security). Hossam El-Din and El-Khouly had earlier posted a video under the title “The Public Prosecutor”, in which they talked about the impact of the dollar crisis on drug prices. At the same time, Hossam El-Din appeared in another video depicting a young man who decided to break off his engagement after the dollar crisis. The prosecution charged them with joining a terrorist group, spreading false news, and misusing social media.[37]
Samah Mustafa was arrested on 26 November and Ahmed Ali (aka Karawan Mashakel) was arrested on 3 December for posting an entertainment video on TikTok under the title “The Kitchen”. They were interrogated in Case No. 17401 of 2023 (First Settlement Misdemeanors). The prosecution charged them with inciting debauchery and violating the values and principles of Egyptian society.[38]
On 14 February 2023, security forces arrested Mohamed al-Fatla in the village of Shatta in Damietta Governorate after he posted a satirical video on YouTube about a butcher’s shop that sells meat in installments in response to the recent increase in meat prices. Fatla appeared in another video the next day explaining that the first video was just a joke, after he received comments on it. The Ministry of the Interior announced Fatla’s arrest on its Facebook page, saying that he admitted that he prepared the aforementioned video to increase viewership in order to achieve financial profits.[39]
Continued blocking of websites
On 26 January 2023, the website of the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS) was blocked for the first time, according to Mohamed Zari, the director of the Egypt Program at the institute. This came after the website published a statement that a number of organizations submitted to the UN in conjunction with the January 2011 revolution’s anniversary. The statement tackled the human rights situation in Egypt between November 2019 and November 2022. The CIHRS is an independent organization founded in 1993 to advocate for human rights and democracy in the Middle East and North Africa. It was among human rights organizations that were raided in 2011 under the pretext of receiving foreign funding. Its office in Cairo has been closed since then[40]. The blocking of the institute’s website was lifted in late February 2024.
Party members and political activists arrested on charge of spreading false news
As of March 2023 and in conjunction with the national dialogue, the security services launched a campaign against members of political parties. Mohamed Ibrahim Abdullah, a member of the Karama Party in Qalyubia governorate was arrested on 27 March 2023[41], while Nagwa Khashaba, a member of the same party, was arrested on 1 May 2023[42]. Both had activities on social media, as Abdullah ran the “Betaa al-Shawari” Facebook page, which criticized the situation in the country, while Khashaba criticized the local situation through posts on her Facebook page. The prosecution remanded both in custody pending investigation.
Meanwhile, security forces arrested Ahmed Fathy, a member of the Dostour Party, from his home in Alexandria between 3 and 5 April 2023. He appeared before the State Security Prosecution on 8 April 2023, where the prosecution remanded him in custody for 15 days pending investigation. [43]
Security forces arrested Wael Abdel-Rahim Mohamed Hussein, a member of the Dostour Party an assistant professor at Stanford University in the United States, at Cairo airport while he was returning from the United States on 14 May 2023. He was brought before the State Security Prosecution on the same day in connection with Case No. 325 of 2023 (Supreme State Security). The prosecution faced him with posts from his Facebook account criticizing the regime. It remanded him in custody for 15 days pending investigation.[44]
Similarly, security forces arrested Aida Mahmoud Othman, a member of the Nasserist Party, from her home on 27 April 2023. She appeared before the State Security Prosecution on 2 May 2023. The prosecution remanded her in custody for 15 days pending investigation into Case No. 710 of 2023 (State Security).[45]
The defendants faced charges of joining a terrorist group and spreading false news.
In a related context, security forces arrested Neama Hisham, the wife of former political prisoner lawyer Mohamed al-Baqer, from her house on 17 April 2023. She was taken to an unknown destination. She was arrested for publishing Facebook posts detailing her visit to her husband in prison and reporting that he had injuries and was held in solitary confinement. Neama was released hours after her arrest.[46]
On 9 August 2023, security forces arrested Mohamed Hussein, the brother of Rami Hussein who had been tortured to death at Dar al-Salam police station. Mohamed published a number of posts and a video on Facebook showing a thread of blood streaming from Rami’s nose, confirming that he was killed, not because of tuberculosis as claimed by the Ministry of Interior. Mohamed accused those in charge of the Dar al-Salam police station of causing the death of his brother. The Ministry of Interior confirmed that Rami’s death was natural as a result of a cardiac arrest. Rami’s brothers face pressures from the police station’s officers to refrain from accusing them of torturing and killing their brother. A force from the police station had deployed near the Maadi prosecution office in conjunction with a hearing dedicated to listening to two of Rami’s brothers. The police prevented Rami’s relatives from being present around the police station and forced the surrounding cafes to close.[47]
Arrests over Facebook posts
On 20 August 2023, the Sayeda Zeinab Prosecution began investigating politician and publisher Hisham Kassem based on complaint No. 5007 of 2023 submitted by former Minister of Manpower Kamal Abu Eita accusing Kassem of slander and defamation.
The crisis began after the establishment of a liberal political alliance, known as the “Free Current”, which includes a number of liberal parties and opposition figures, most notably Kassem, who headed the alliance’s board of trustees.
A number of media outlets relayed statements attributed to public figures with different political affiliations, some of whom accused Kassem of working according to a foreign agenda. Abu Eita, also a member of the Karama Party and the presidential pardon committee, was among those who levelled accusations at Kassem. Commenting on the establishment of the Free Current, Abu Eita said in press statements that he smells “a foreign agenda for the current because of the presence of Hisham Kassem on top of it”. Kassem replied in a Facebook post on 29 July 2023 in which he reminded Abu Eita of being previously accused of corruption and embezzling public funds, before reconciling with the authorities by returning those funds. In his post, Kassem attached photos and links to news articles about the corruption case and the investigation of Abu Eita.
The prosecution decided to release Kassem on bail of 5,000 pounds, but he refused to pay the bail. He published a post on Facebook criticizing President Sisi and various state agencies.
At the same time, a police officer from the Sayeda Zeinab police station filed a complaint accusing Kassem of insulting, slandering and assaulting him while performing his work. The prosecution remanded Kassem in custody based on the complaints filed against him No. 5007 of 2023 and No. 5284 of 2023 (Sayeda Zeinab – Administrative). The case was referred to the Economic Misdemeanor Court, which on 16 September sentenced Kassem to 6 months in prison on charges of insulting Abu Eita and verbally assaulting a public servant.[48]
Kassem’s case shows that the authorities use multiple tools to silence, restrict, and imprison dissent, including fabricating charges at police stations and exploiting the charge of insult and slander. This is totally incompatible with the right to freedom of expression and the right of the opposition to express its opinion and criticize state policies. AFTE issued a position paper entitled “Point of order.. speech doesn’t go to court”, in which it condemned the violations committed against Kassem and called for stopping these violations and releasing Kassem.
Model detained for violating the Egyptian family values
Security forces arrested model Salma al-Shimy at Cairo airport upon her return from the UAE for allegedly publishing indecent photos and videos that incite debauchery. The prosecution charged her with violating the Egyptian family values. On 18 April 2023, the Economic Misdemeanor Court in Alexandria sentenced Shimy to two years in prison and ordered her to pay a fine of 100,000 pounds on charges of filming and broadcasting obscene videos online in exchange for money. Shimy is a famous blogger and fashion model.[49]
Fifth section: Academic freedom and student rights
Universities and security and judicial authorities continued to violate academic and student rights during 2023, in continuation of the systematic crackdown and arbitrariness that various state agencies have followed since 2013. In this regard, the violations committed by universities included the referral of professors to disciplinary boards for demanding their academic rights and their families’ political rights, as in the case of Manar al-Tantawy. Universities are also trying to expand their role as guardians of professors by deducting their salaries, as happened to professor Laila Soueif who travelled during her vacation without obtaining permission from her university. As for professor Mohamed Mohieddin, the university dismissed him for having been absent from work while in pretrial detention and demanded that he refund money he did not receive from the university.
In another context, emeritus professor at the Animal Research Center at the Ministry of Agriculture Hesham al-Araby was referred to a disciplinary board on charge of causing confusion after he made press statements criticizing the Ministry of Agriculture’s decision to dispose of herds of local poultry in the agricultural research center. Al-Araby had submitted a memorandum to the center’s director explaining the crisis to him. However, the center’s director did not respond, prompting Al-Araby to make the abovementioned press statements. Al-Araby was referred to a disciplinary board in September 2023 on charges of violating the duties of his job, disrespecting his job, and causing confusion. Later on, the Minister of Agriculture cancelled the referral decision.[50]
With regard to the restriction of academic freedom, the Faculty of Economics and Political Science postponed a seminar for the Department of Political Science that was supposed to discuss the war on Gaza. The seminar was likely cancelled and not postponed for political reasons due to the sensitivity of the issue.
Furthermore, the security authorities continued to prevent researchers from traveling to resume their studies, while the judicial authorities continued to crack down on researchers.
With regard to student rights, it is obvious that universities are keen to monitor students inside and outside campus, acting as guardians of the students’ activities. They referred students to interrogation and dismissed others over social media posts. These violations represent a continuation of the approach of intervention that universities have adopted for years, especially in 2022.
In 2022, several university students were referred to investigation over Facebook posts or comments that had nothing to do with the university or academic life. This was evident in the dismissal of Mina Atallah, a student at the Faculty of Medicine at Misr University for Science and Technology, after he published a post about religions on his Facebook page. Benha University also dismissed a student because of a quarrel with a classmate on Facebook.
The judicial and security authorities also continued to crack down on students with previous campus activities, as was the case of student Moaz al-Sharqawy.
In 2023, AFTE reported 8 violations of academic freedom and 5 violations of student rights.
First: Violation of academic freedom
Continuous targeting of an academic for demanding her rights
Manar al-Tantawy is an assistant professor in the Mechanical Engineering Department at the 10th of Ramadan Higher Technological Institute’s 6th of October branch. She has been exposed to a number of violations by the institute’s administration and the Ministry of Higher Education since 2021. These included depriving her of obtaining a professorship degree despite fulfilling the requirements. Also, the institute’s administration prevented her from returning to the position of head of the mechanical engineering department.
In continuation of the series of systematic violations against her, Tantawy was informed on 28 January 2023 of her referral to investigation based on a complaint submitted by the acting head of the department accusing her of doubting his legal status after his position as an acting head of the department was extended. On 25 February, Tantawy was transferred to a disciplinary hearing (the third since the institute has started arbitrary measures against her), but she was not officially notified. To date, the hearing has not been held.
On 12 April 2023, the institute escalated its violations against Tantawy by referring her to investigation on charges of impersonating the head of the department and approving leave requests for employees in the department. This came after the head of the mechanical engineering department filed a complaint against Tantawy. According to the investigation report No. 20 of 2023, Tantawy was accused of approving leave requests for the laboratory’s secretary. The head of the department attached the last three approvals granted to the laboratory secretary to his complaint.
According to the investigation, the laboratory’s secretary, Khaled Qutb Abdel Razek, stated that he – according to the sequence of the leave requesting process at the institute – used to submit leave requests to Tantawy in her capacity as the laboratory’s supervisor, and after she approves the request he goes to the Administrative Affairs Department to place the leave balance on the application, then the Administrative Affairs Department sends it to the head of the department, Dr. Said, via mail for approval. Abdel Razek noted that it was not the first time that he has requested leave this way, and Dr. Said approved the last three leave requests in this sequence, despite the fact that the latter filed a complaint against Tantawy for signing those applications.
The investigation committee decided to transfer Tantawy to a disciplinary hearing on 11 July 2023, but the hearing was postponed to 25 July, then to 7 August, and then to 15 August. According to Article 69 of the Labor Law, “the employee may not be dismissed unless he commits a serious mistake, and the following cases are considered to be a serious mistake: If it is proven that the employee impersonated a false person or submitted forged documents…”. Thus, the institute’s administration aims to transfer Tantawy to a disciplinary hearing in order to dismiss her instead of ensuring her rights and promoting her to the degree of professor.
On 21 August, the disciplinary board acquitted Tantawy of the charges levelled against her in Disciplinary Case No. 20 of 2023, in which she was accused of impersonating the head of the mechanical engineering department.
The institute’s administration continues to refuse to grant Tantawy the professorship degree, despite the Ministry of Higher Education’s request in May 2023 for Tantawy’s documents and papers from the institute in order to implement the Supreme Administrative Court’s decision and ratify the professorship degree for her. The institute’s administration has not yet sent the requested documents to the ministry.
These violations initially aimed to prevent Tantawy from obtaining a professorship degree and the consequent material and moral rights, and also prevent her from assuming the post of head of the department. Tantawy continued to claim her academic degree. She lodged an appeal before the Supreme Administrative Court against the Ministry of Higher Education and the institute for not approving the academic degree. Given that intransigence, the institute’s violations continued, aiming to create further obstacles that would impede Tantawy’s return to her position. Both the Ministry of Higher Education and the institute are still reluctant to approve the professorship degree for Tantawy.
The violations committed against Tantawy reflect a systematic approach by the institute’s administration to punish any professor who claims rights that the security authorities do not like. This shows how universities and institutes turned into tools for the security services to abuse and target anyone who does not obtain security approval. The main problem for Tantawy is not with the institute’s administration, but rather her inability to obtain security approval to return to her position as head of the department. The problem also lies in the Ministry of Higher Education’s refusal to promote Tantawy to the rank of professor. The security services refuse to give approval to Tantawy because she is the wife of a former political prisoner and because she once demanded his release and fought for his rights inside the prison, especially his right to medical care.
In this regard, AFTE issued a detailed profile about Tantawy and the violations she was subjected to under the title: “Continued targeting| Profile of Manar al-Tantawy: Continued targeting over political background.”[51]
Academic’s salary suspended for allegedly travelling during her vacation without university permission, and the university reversed the decision two months later
In late February 2023, the Cairo University decided to suspend the salary of Dr. Laila Soueif, a professor at the Faculty of Science. She went to collect her salary, but she did not find it. When she asked the university administration, she was told that the salary had been suspended by a decision from the faculty’s dean. Soueif had travelled to London for a short period during the mid-year vacation after completing her marking tasks. She sent a notice of her travel to the head of her department, stating that she had completed the marking tasks. The notice was forwarded to the dean. Soueif returned from London to find a letter from the dean stating that she had travelled without permission and she must return immediately. Soueif replied to the letter, saying she had already returned and resumed her work. Then she was surprised that her salary was withheld in late February. Article 92 of the Universities Law stipulates that the vacation of faculty members begins with the end of the academic year’s work and ends before the start of the new academic year, as decided by the university administration. Article 93 of the same law stipulates that, taking into account the interests of the work, a faculty member may take a paid or unpaid leave during the academic year for a specified period not exceeding three months, and this shall be decided by the university president after consulting the faculty’s dean and the head of the department.[52]
Therefore, Soueif is entitled to take a leave in the middle of the academic year after obtaining the dean’s approval. Indeed, she sent a travel notice, but she travelled before receiving the approval. She said she did not receive the dean’s approval because it was waiting for the security approval, as the dean cannot approve the travel of faculty members without first obtaining security approval. This actually contradicts the independence of universities and their internal affairs. Soueif rejects this, as she was one of the founders of the 9 March Movement which calls for the independence of universities.
But even if Soueif did not wait for the dean’s approval, the dean should not have withheld her salary. None of the disciplinary articles in the Universities Law refers to the dean’s ability to withhold the salary of a faculty member without being investigated.[53]
The faculty’s dean reversed the decision two months later and paid Soueif what had been previously suspended from her salary. But the decision to suspend a professor’s salary is a violation of the academic rights of faculty staff in the first place. It establishes the idea that the power of punishment and accountability is loose and can be exercised without following the legal procedures provided for by the Universities Law and can also be used in a non-neutral manner against anyone whom the security authorities and the university want to dismiss and harass.
An academic prosecuted after his release from prison
Assistant professor at the Faculty of Engineering of Beni Suef University and former political prisoner Dr. Mohamed Mohieddin received a letter from the faculty asking him to refund sums of money disbursed to him as part of his financial dues. Lawyers of the Egyptian Center for Economic and Social Rights received the letter on behalf of Mohieddin, in their capacity as his agents.
Mohieddin spent more than three years in pretrial detention in connection with Case No. 277 of 2018. Immediately after his detention, his wife handed the university a paper stating that he had been detained in November 2019. As a result, the university paid him half of his monthly salary from the beginning of his detention until December 2021. Then, the university paid him a full salary from January 2022 to July 2022. Mohieddin was released in June 2022. He applied for a return to his work, but the university rejected his request under the pretext that he had been absent from his job without an excuse. The university also refused to communicate with the prosecution to obtain evidence of his detention. Mohieddin was dismissed by decision No. 1163 issued in August 2022. As a result, he filed lawsuit No. 1929 of 10 before the Administrative Judiciary Court, demanding a return to his work. The court adjourned the hearing to 23 July 2023 in order to hear the pleadings.
The university requests Mohieddin to refund half of the salary that was wrongly paid to him from January to July 2022 (about 25,000 pounds) in addition to the exam bonus and the August salary, which it claims were paid to Mohieddin, thus bringing the total refund it requests to about 56,000 pounds. In other words, the university pursues Mohieddin to refund money that he did not receive in the first place.[54]
On 27 November 2023, the Administrative Judiciary Court in Beni Suef ruled to cancel the decision to terminate Mohieddin’s work at the Faculty of Engineering at Beni Suef University, which was issued on the grounds that he had been absent from work.
Seminar at the Faculty of Economics and Political Science banned
On 31 December 2023, the Faculty of Economics and Political Science announced the postponement of a monthly seminar for the Department of Political Science, which was scheduled to discuss the war on Gaza. The faculty said the seminar was postponed because of the lack of halls and the inappropriateness of its timing as it coincided with the end of the first semester exams.[55] However, a faculty member suggested that the seminar would not be held for political reasons.
Researchers banned from travelling abroad to resume their studies: Master’s researcher Ahmed Samir Santawy still banned from travelling
The security authorities continued to target Ahmed Samir Santawy, a master’s student at the Central European University in Austria. On 14 August 2023, Ahmed Samir Santawy went to Cairo Airport to travel to the Austrian capital, Vienna, where he was studying for a master’s degree at the Central European University, but was banned from travelling. He was taken to the National Security office at the airport where an officer checked his papers and told him that he was banned from travelling. Then, Santawy left the airport accompanied by a non-commissioned officer, according to Santawy’s testimony to AFTE. This was not the first time Santawy had been banned from travelling, as he had been banned twice since his release from detention. The first time was on 27 August 2022 and the second in June 2023.
Each time, the same procedures are followed, with the security authorities holding Santawy at the National Security office at Cairo airport, interrogating him, and then banning him from traveling.[56]
The targeting of Santawy started on 1 February 2021, when he was arrested and interrogated in connection with Case No. 65 of 2021 (Supreme State Security). On 22 May 2021, he was investigated in connection with Case No. 877 of 2021 (Supreme State Security). On 29 May 2021, the Supreme State Security Prosecution referred him to an urgent trial before the Emergency Supreme State Security Court in connection with the new case.
On 4 July 2022, the Emergency State Security Misdemeanor Court issued a new verdict in Case No. 774 of 2021 (Emergency State Security Misdemeanor), registered with No. 877 of 2021 (Supreme State Security Prosecution), sentencing Santawy to three years in prison on charges of spreading false news. The verdict came after a previous verdict was overturned on 22 June 2021 in the same case that sentenced him to four years in prison and ordered him to pay a fine of 500 pounds. On 29 July 2022, President Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi pardoned seven prisoners of conscience, including Santawy.
Santawy is a master’s researcher at the Central European University in Vienna, where he began his studies in anthropology and social sciences in September 2019. He was subjected to several violations, including ill-treatment and torture during interrogation by National Security officers, and physical assault by the deputy warden of Tora Prison on 22 February 2021.[57]
Judiciary authorities continue to prosecute researchers abroad: Master’s researcher Patrick Zaki receives prison sentence
On 18 July 2023, the Emergency State Security Misdemeanor Court in Mansoura sentenced Patrick George Zaki, a master’s researcher at the University of Bologna in Italy, to three years in prison in Case No. 1086 of 2021 on charges of spreading false news after he published an article about Copts in Egypt in 2019. Zaki was arrested in the courtroom after the court ordered his transfer to the Gamasa police station to enforce the sentence, which cannot be appealed according to the emergency law.
Zaki was arrested in February 2020 upon his return from Italy to spend a vacation in Egypt. He remained in pretrial detention for 22 months in connection with Case No. 1766 of 2019 (Supreme State Security), registered under No. 1089 of 2021 (Emergency State Security Misdemeanors). He was released on 7 December 2021, but was added to the travel ban list upon a request from the Public Prosecutor, thus preventing him from travelling to resume his studies.[58]
The day after the verdict, the President of the Republic pardoned Zaki, thus dropping the prison sentence against him.
Second: Violation of student rights
Students prosecuted over posts on social media
The privately owned Sinai University referred Mai Abdullah Sweidan, a first-year student at the Faculty of Dentistry, to investigation on 13 February 2023, a day after one of her colleagues shared a post attributed to her expressing her disbelief in Islam and Prophet Muhammad, according to Sweidan’s mother. The post was later shared by a number of users, with some sharing Sweidan’s personal data including her Facebook account, her phone number, and the accounts of her family members. The shared posts included incitement against Sweidan and appeals to the university to dismiss her permanently.
Sweidan feared for her life and felt threatened. She went to the East Qantara police station in Ismailia Governorate, accompanied by a professor from her university. The university sent a representative to interrogate her at the police station.
The student was interrogated in a friendly manner, in the presence of a number of clerics, according to her mother. The investigation revealed that Sweidan’s Facebook account had been hacked and that she was not responsible for what was posted on it. She was acquitted of the charge of atheism. Meanwhile, posting continued on her Facebook account during the investigation.[59]
In this context, AFTE issued a statement condemning the referral of Sweidan to investigation, and demanded that the administrative investigation be halted, and also called on the Ministry of Interior to provide protection for her.[60]
In the same context, the Zagazig University on 19 June 2023 referred Abanoub Emad, a student at the Faculty of Dentistry, to a disciplinary hearing and took all administrative measures against him on charges of insulting Islam and contempt of religions. The story began after several screenshots of a chat between Emad and another person insulting Islam and the Prophet Muhammad went viral. A hashtag calling for bringing Emad to account spread on social media. As a result, the university issued a statement referring the student to a disciplinary board. Meanwhile, Emad said that his account had been hacked and that he was not responsible for what was posted on it.
Emad was interrogated by the National Security Agency, and then released without being presented to the prosecution. Meanwhile, the university president said they are studying a decision that will be taken after investigating the student.[61]
Students denied access to campus
On 2 December 2023, Reem Selim, a post-graduate student at Cairo University’s Faculty of Economics and Political Science was searched by a female security guard while entering the campus. She was denied access because of the Palestinian flag on her bag, and was told that the ban came upon instructions from the university’s president.
Selim called the professor for whom she was supposed to attend a lecture. The professor sent one of the security men from the college to let her in, but the guards at the campus gate refused to let her in until she turned the bag over on the side that does not have the Palestinian flag. Selim turned the bag over and entered the campus.[62]
Security and judicial violations
Ongoing judicial and security crackdown
Judicial and security violations against former student leader Moaz al-Sharqawy continued. Security forces arrested him from his home in the Mokattam neighborhood in Cairo on 11 May. They warned neighbors not to intervene and then took him to an unknown place. Sharqawy was forcibly disappeared for more than three weeks until he appeared before the State Security Prosecution in New Cairo on 3 June 2023. He said he was subjected to many violations, including torture and enforced disappearance, and that he was prevented from communicating with his family or lawyer. On 13 July 2023, the State Security Prosecution renewed his detention for 15 days pending investigation into Case No. 540 of 2023 (State Security). The prosecution charged him with joining a terrorist group and committing a terrorist financing crime.
On 22 October 2018, the military ruler ratified Sharqawy’s 10-year prison sentence issued by the Emergency State Security Court. He was sentenced along with Abdel Moneim Aboul Fotouh and Mohamed al-Qassas, in connection with Case No. 1059 of 2021 (Emergency State Security Felonies). The verdict became final and may not be appealed in any way as it was issued by an emergency state security court and was ratified by the military ruler.
Sharqawy is a former student leader, having won the position of vice president of the Tanta University students’ union in 2015. He was arrested at a security checkpoint on the Sharm el-Sheikh Road in 2018 and forcibly disappeared for about 25 days. He was investigated in connection with Case No. 440 of 2018 (State Security), and was held in pretrial detention for a year and a half. He was released in 2020. In August 2021, he was referred to the Emergency State Security Criminal Court.[63]
Moaz Al-Sharqawi is a former student leader, having won the position of Vice President of the Tanta University Union in 2015. He was arrested in 2018 after being arrested in an ambush on Sharm El-Sheikh Road and was subjected to enforced disappearance for about 25 days and was interrogated in connection with Case 440 of 2018 State Security, and was held in pretrial detention for a year and a half pending the case. He was released in 2020. In August 2021, he was referred to the Emergency State Security Criminal Court.
Sixth section: Right to peaceful demonstration and assembly
The Egyptian authorities continued to ban peaceful demonstrations and assembly and arrested protesters during 2023. On 15 October 2023, security forces dispersed a demonstration staged by teachers in front of the Ministry of Education building in the New Administrative Capital. The teachers protested for being disqualified from the ministry’s competition for the appointment of 30,000 teachers despite passing the tests announced by the ministry, stressing their rejection of the results of the tests set by the Military Academy, which had nothing to do with the competition and was not mentioned in the published job advertisement. Fourteen protesters were arrested and brought before the Supreme State Security Prosecution two days after their arrest. They faced charges of joining a terrorist group, spreading false news, misusing social media, and participating in a gathering. They were remanded in custody pending investigation into Case No. 2333 of 2022 (Supreme State Security Prosecution). The prosecution continued to renew their pretrial detention until they were released on 7 February 2024.
On 23 October 2023, hundreds from the Rumailat and Al-Sawarka tribes rallied in villages of Al-Husseinat and Al-Mahdia near the town of Rafah, and in the village of Al-Zawara, south of Sheikh Zuwayed town, to renew their demand for their right to return to their lands in Rafah, after the expiration of the deadline set by the Egyptian authorities for their return. The army used unjustified violence against the protesters, deliberately firing bullets to disperse them, and detained at least nine of them at the headquarters of the Al-Saha Battalion (the largest army camp in Rafah). Security personnel also beat one of the protesters severely, after a military armoured vehicle deliberately hit his car to stop it, causing him an injury in the head and fainting. The next morning, Sheikh Saber al-Sayyah al-Rumailat, a leading tribal figure in North Sinai who led a sit-in in August 2023, said in a Facebook post that security forces had attempted twice to arrest him.[64]
Dozens of protesters were also arrested by army forces from the “Shalaq” checkpoint, at the entrance to the town of Sheikh Zuwayed. The number of detainees continued to increase, as 50 more were detained weeks later and interrogated in Case No. 80 of 2023 (Military Felonies), which is being examined by the Military Court in Ismailia, over the “right of return” demonstrations. The detainees faced charges of gathering, showing force and vandalism. The military court continues to renew their detention pending investigation into the case.
On 29 December, army forces arrested Sheikh Rumailat for calling for a peaceful protest to demand the right of return for the residents displaced from their homes in Rafah and Sheikh Zuwayed.[65] He was held in an unofficial detention facility and denied access to his family and lawyer. Rumailat was subjected to two arrest attempts in late October 2023, and the authorities arbitrarily dismissed him from his job. On 10 January 2024, he appeared before the military court in connection with Case No. 80 of 2023 (Military Felonies) on charges of gathering, showing force and vandalism.[66]
Despite the President of the Republic’s call for Egyptians to demonstrate in support of the Palestinian cause and to protest the forced displacement of Palestinians, security forces arrested 56 demonstrators in Cairo and Alexandria on 20 October 2023 after they staged rallies in solidarity with the Palestinian people who are subjected to genocide.
The arrested protesters were brought before the State Security Prosecution, which charged them with joining a terrorist group, committing a terrorist act, intentional vandalism of public and private property, and participating in a gathering. They were detained in connection with three cases, namely 2468 of 2023, 2469 of 2023, and 2635 of 2023 (Supreme State Security Prosecution).
Most of the defendants were arrested immediately after the demonstrations, while others were arrested from their homes in the days following the demonstrations.
Egypt restricts the citizens’ right to peaceful assembly, through Law No. 107 of 2013, known as the “Protest Law”, which was approved by former President Adly Mansour in November 2013. Parties and human rights organizations rejected the law at the time on the grounds that it completely restricted the citizens’ right to peaceful assembly. Since then, the Egyptian authorities – in accordance with the law – have used force to break up demonstrations and rallies. The law allows the authorities to prosecute those who call for and participate in demonstrations. It aims to legalize the violation of the right to peaceful assembly rather than to regulate it. Security services had earlier rejected requests by political parties to stage demonstrations in accordance with the law.
Conclusion and recommendations
AFTE sought through this report to clarify the difference between the Egyptian authorities’ claim of a new approach in handling political and human rights issues, and their practices on the ground, which clearly show the lack of any intention to change their security policies. The year 2023 ended, while the right to freedom of expression is still restricted. The signs of opening the public sphere were nothing but government propaganda aimed to withstand the international push for political and economic reforms in order to approve more borrowing requests so the country can overcome its successive economic crises.
AFTE demands the following:
- The Public Prosecutor should release all those detained in political cases.
- The judicial authorities should drop the charges against politician Ahmed al-Tantawy and his campaign team and stop cracking down on them.
- The Supreme Council for Media Regulation should stop targeting independent news websites and grant licenses to them.
- The Egyptian security services should stop targeting citizens for expressing their opinions on social media.
- The travel bans issued against researchers, journalists, and human rights defenders should be repealed.
- The Egyptian authorities should stop blocking news websites and lift all existing blockages on websites, which reached 562 in number, including 131 news websites.
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https://bitly.ws/WLzM [22] Al-Masry Al-Youm, The Syndicate of Musical Professions lifts the suspension of Hamo Beka (details), Iman Ali, published on 10/9/2023, last visited on 23 January 2024; https://rb.gy/ff3vcK [23] Youm7, Bahaa Nabil, published on 3/9/2023, Sara Al Zakaria banned from singing in Egypt and Yasser Hariri fined 100,000 pounds, last visited on 23 January 2024; https://bitly.ws/WLA8 [24] Masrawy, Hany Saber, "Syndicate of Acting Professions" stops dealing with three casting directors, published on 2/11/2023, last visited on 23/1/2024; https://tinyurl.com/38kd4n53 [25] AFTE statement, Life in danger: Galal al-Beheiry should be given health care, and the public prosecutor should release him immediately; published on 21 September 2023; last visited on 24 January 2024; https://afteegypt.org/advocacy/2023/09/21/35491-afteegypt.html [26] Ahmed Abdullah Mohamed Al-Mogy detained, the Egyptian Front for Human Rights, 20 January 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024; https://bit.ly/3CXWAHd [27] Mohamed Ibrahim Farid’s detention renewed, the Egyptian Commission for Human Rights, 16 February 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024, https://bit.ly/3KAc1d5 [28] "For criticizing the regime: Hany Soliman arrested and detained," Egyptian Front for Human Rights, 7 April 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024; https://shorturl.at/pxD35 [29] "After being forcibly disappeared for two months: unionist and dentist Ahmed al-Tabakh investigated", the Egyptian Front for Human Rights, 27 April 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024; https://shorturl.at/cmwMT [30] Wael Mohamed Radwan detained, the Egyptian Commission for Human Rights, 7 February 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024; https://shorturl.at/nvDV2 [31] Detention of Nabil George continues, the Egyptian Democratic Party’s Facebook page, 13 March 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024; https://shorturl.at/bGR06 [32] "State Security Prosecution investigates Ahmed Sameh al-Hefnawy," Egyptian Front for Human Rights, 11 October 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024, https://shorturl.at/BFNZ0 [33] "Mohamed Asr detained for posting videos about the economic situation and power cuts on TikTok", AFTE’s Legal Aid Unit, last visited on 14 February 2024, https://afteegypt.org/legal-updates-2/2023/09/07/35332-afteegypt.html [34] "Sherif Ibrahim detained over a video insulting the Ministry of Interior," AFTE’s Legal Aid Unit, last visited on 14 February 2024, https://afteegypt.org/legal-updates-2/2023/09/14/35419-afteegypt.html [35] "Mohamed Abdo detained for criticizing the president’s policies on TikTok", AFTE’s Legal Aid Unit, last visited on 14 February 2024, https://afteegypt.org/legal-updates-2/2023/09/05/35271-afteegypt.html [36] Heba Anis, "Haitham Khalifa arrested", Daraj, 24 September 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024, https://daraj.media/111986/ [37] The State Security Prosecution decides to detain content creators, AFTE’s Legal Aid Unit, 1 February 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024, https://bit.ly/3KEob4s [38] "Karawan Mashakel arrested on charges of posting indecent videos with anchor Engy Hamada", Cairo 24, 3 December 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024, https://www.cairo24.com/1909719 [39] “Citizen Mohamed Fatla arrested”, Mada Masr, 16 February 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024, https://bit.ly/40L8n5P [40] Cairo Today website blocked after publishing a statement on human rights violations, Al-Manassa, 28 January 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024, https://bit.ly/3KffvAm [41] "Karama Party member Mohamed Ibrahim Abdullah detained," Mada Masr on Facebook, 10 April 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024, https://shorturl.at/fpBS4 [42] "Nagwa Khashaba appears before the State Security Prosecution", the Egyptian Front for Human Rights, 3 May 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024, https://shorturl.at/dvJK6 [43] "Dostour Party member Ahmed Fathy detained," Mada Masr on Facebook, 11 April 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024, https://shorturl.at/kqvE7 [44] "The detention of Al-Dostour Party member and academic Wael Abdel-Rahim renewed", the Egyptian Front for Human Rights, 26 May 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024, https://shorturl.at/dlmpT [45] "The detention of Nasserist Party member Aida Mahmoud Othman continues", the Egyptian Front for Human Rights, 4 May 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024, https://shorturl.at/kxR37 [46] "Neama Hisham arrested after revealing that her husband Mohamed al-Baqer was assaulted in his prison", the Facebook page of the Egyptian Commission for Human Rights, 17 April 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024, https://www.facebook.com/ecrf.net/posts/pfbid02dRp2LDL2fM1B4oYRByj61UtkeQCBne7Vt6rnBpqaPYebvoZWjLGU6se1XELafAonl [47] "Egyptian authorities arrest brother of torture victim at Dar al-Salam police station", Egyptian Network for Human Rights, 9 August 2023, lasted visited on 14 February 2024, https://shorturl.at/rsvE5; Statement from the Ministry of the Interior on the death of a detainee at Dar al-Salam police station, The Ministry of Interior’s Facebook page, 7 August 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024, https://shorturl.at/hsvJ4; Family accuses Dar al-Salam police station of torturing and killing detainee", Mada Masr, 8 August 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024, https://shorturl.at/fnpv8 [48] Mohamed Adel, "Hisham Kassem sentenced to 6 months in prison on charges of insulting Abu Eta and security services", Al-Manassa, 16 September 2023, lasted visited on 14 February 2024, https://t.ly/p7J5g [49] Fathy Suleiman, "Model Salma al-Shimy arrested for publishing obscene videos", Cairo 24, 3 April 2023, last visited on 14 February 2024, https://rb.gy/u6o1dk [50] "Minister of Agriculture cancels decision to refer poultry professor to disciplinary board", Mada Masr, 18 December 2023, last visited on 15 February 2024, https://www.facebook.com/photo?fbid=758559902979195&set=pcb.758561006312418 [51] Continued targeting| Profile of Manar al-Tantawy: Continued targeting over political background; AFTE, 22 August 2023, last visited on 15 February 2024, https://afteegypt.org/research/2023/08/22/35128-afteegypt.html [52] Articles 92 and 93 of the Universities Law No. 49 of 1972, p. 37, last visited on 14 February 2024, https://bit.ly/30Hd4OB [53] Articles 105 to 112 of the Universities Law No. 49 of 1972, pp. 39:42, last visited on 15 February 2024, https://bit.ly/30Hd4OB [54] Testimony from Dr. Mohamed Mohieddin Othman to AFTE on 18 May 2023. [55] "The Egyptian Faculty of Economics and Political Science cancels a seminar on the Gaza war", Al-Araby al-Jadeed, 30 December 2023, last visited on 15 February 2024, https://shorturl.at/vGIJS [56] Testimony from Santawy to AFTE [57] “No progress” | The third quarterly report on the state of freedom of expression in Egypt, AFTE, November 2022, last visited on 15 February 2024, https://afteegypt.org/research/2022/11/15/32735-afteegypt.html [58] "EIPR condemns Emergency Court’s 3-year prison sentence for its researcher Patrick George over an opinion article," Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, 18 July 2023, last visited on 15 February 2024, https://shorturl.at/dCGU6 [59] Testimony from the student’s mother on 22 February 2023 [60] Statement: AFTE condemns investigation of student Mai Abdullah, AFTE, 22 February 2023, last visited on 15 February 2024, https://bit.ly/3GnBx2y [61] "Decision to refer student Abanoub Emad to investigation", Zagazig University’s Media Center on Facebook, 19 June 2023, last visited on 15 February 2024, https://shorturl.at/DJRYZ; Mohamed Adel, "Zagazig University refers a student to disciplinary board on charges of contempt of religions", Al-Manassa, 22 June 2023, last visited on 15 February 2024, https://shorturl.at/DJRYZ [62] Testimony from Reem Selim to AFTE [63] "Egregious violations against Moaz al-Sharqawy during the three weeks of enforced disappearance," the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR), 4 June 2023, last visited on 15 February 2024, https://shorturl.at/hsx04 [64] "Military court in Ismailia renews detention of 10 Sinai tribesmen for 15 days over ‘Right of Return’ demonstrations”, Sinai Foundation for Human Rights, 13 November 2023, last visited on 15 February 2024, https://shorturl.at/fhil6 [65] Egyptian army force arrests Sheikh Saber Hammad al-Sayyah, Sinai Foundation for Human Rights, 29 December 2023, last visited on 15 February 2024, https://shorturl.at/irwAV [66] "After being forcibly disappeared since his arrest on 27 December, Sheikh Saber appears before the military court", Sinai Foundation for Human Rights, 10 January 2024, last visited on 15 February 2024, https://shorturl.at/wEKX6