Contents

Methodology

Introduction

Section One: Context and Developments

• First: Widespread Criticism of the New Criminal Procedure Law
• Second: Growing Protest Movements
• Third: Civil Society Under the Restrictions of the NGO Law
• Fourth: Comprehensive Periodic Review: Announced Reforms and Continuing Violations
• Fifth: Parliamentary Elections: Security Agencies Manage the Political Scene

Section Two: Analysis of Patterns of Violations of Freedom of Expression

• First: Freedom of Creativity
• Second: Freedom of Digital Expression
• Third: Academic Freedom and Student Rights
• Fourth: Freedom of Media

Conclusion and Recommendations

 

Methodology

This report that covers the period from January 1^st, 2025 to December 31^st, 2025, is based on the cooperation between Daftar Ahwal Institute, which was responsible for monitoring and documenting violations and building the database, and the Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression (AFTE), which reviewed the data, analyzed it, and prepared the research material.

Daftar Ahwal Institute was responsible for the comprehensive technical and information management aspects of the database. Its work included designing the database structure, developing an integrated descriptive statistical framework for classification and organization, cleaning and indexing data, and managing all technical aspects related to data collection and administration.

The process of building and managing the database followed a strict academic methodology to ensure the accuracy and reliability of the recorded information. A Data Triangulation approach was applied to verify each documented incident through the intersection of multiple independent sources. This method helped ensure reliability, objectivity, and the reduction of potential bias in documenting violations.

The database relied on a variety of sources, including legal support and monitoring reports published by the Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression, independent press reports, official statements issued by government authorities, as well as digital complaints and reports. The Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression analyzed and classified the documented data according to different patterns of violations. The organization also prepared the report in its entirety, including the general context, analysis of violations, and recommendations addressed to the Egyptian authorities.

 

Introduction

This report monitors the state of freedom of expression in Egypt during 2025, a year marked by a highly complex environment shaped by severe economic challenges and rapid political and legislative developments.

The report provides a documented assessment of freedom of expression through two main areas. The first focuses on the broader context, placing major events and developments within their political, legislative, and social framework. The second analyzes violations by documenting cases and patterns of restrictions and repression affecting rights and freedoms related to freedom of thought and expression, including artistic expression, digital expression, academic freedom, student rights, and media freedom.

The year 2025 witnessed several important developments that exposed the continuing gap between official rhetoric on reform and the reality of policies and practices on the ground. These developments ranged from the controversial and widely criticized new Criminal Procedures Law, to growing protest activity across different sectors of society, Egypt’s participation in the Universal Periodic Review before the Human Rights Council, and ended with parliamentary elections that were accompanied by numerous legal disputes and challenges. This report aims to serve as a reference document that combines careful documentation with analytical assessment. Its objective is to present practical and actionable proposals for protecting freedom of expression and the right to access information. The report also seeks to contribute to public discussion among state institutions, civil society organizations, and international stakeholders.​

Section One: Context and Developments

The state of human rights in Egypt during 2025 cannot be understood without comprehending the political, legislative, and social contexts in which events took place. Human rights violations are not isolated incidents; rather, they reflect deeper structural changes in the legal system and in the relationship between the state and its citizens. This section examines the main developments that affected the right to freedom of expression during the year.

First: Widespread Criticism of the New Criminal Procedures Law

The new Criminal Procedures Law was one of the most significant human rights and political issues in Egypt during 2025. Since its introduction for public discussion, the draft law faced widespread criticism from civil society organizations, political groups, the Journalists Syndicate, and several United Nations human rights experts and mechanisms.

The Criminal Procedures Law is one of Egypt’s oldest laws governing criminal justice proceedings, with origins dating back to the 1950s. Although it has been amended many times, it has continued to face criticism because of the broad powers it grants to investigative and law enforcement authorities.

Parliament began discussing the draft law in August 2024 before approving it in April 2025, despite widespread calls for substantial amendments. On November 12^th,  2025, the President ratified Law No. 174 of 2025, with implementation scheduled to begin in October 2026.[1]

At the same time that the law was being debated, the Supreme State Security Prosecution referred dozens of long pending political cases to terrorism circuits. This move was widely interpreted as an attempt to conclude these cases before the new law came into effect, preventing prisoners of conscience who had spent years in pretrial detention from benefiting from its provisions.[2]

Criticism of the draft law focused particularly on pretrial detention, which has become one of the most frequently used tools of repression in political cases in recent years. Although the draft law moderately reduced the maximum periods of pretrial detention and expanded alternative measures, it failed to effectively address the practice known as “rotation” (tadweer). Under this practice, new charges are filed against individuals who are already detained, often in connection with separate cases, allowing authorities to keep prisoners of conscience in detention for indefinite periods. The law also preserved broad prosecutorial powers to renew pretrial detention orders.[3]

In November 2024, seven United Nations Special Rapporteurs sent a memorandum to the Egyptian government calling for the law to be brought into line with Egypt’s Constitution and its international obligations. They warned that the draft failed to address the problem of prolonged pretrial detention and did not put an end to the practice of rotation. In May 2025, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights also urged the Egyptian President to carefully reconsider the draft law before ratification to ensure its full compliance with international human rights standards.[4] Several provisions of the law were also criticized for their impact on the right to defense and fair trial guarantees. Some articles grant prosecutors broad authority to restrict defense lawyers’ access to case files or limit lawyers’ participation during investigations.[5]

In the same context, provisions related to surveillance and interception were likewise subject of significant criticism, particularly Articles 80 and 117, which granted the public prosecution and lower court judge broad powers to authorize the monitoring of communications, the seizure of correspondence, and the recording of private conversations, in addition to the ability to repeatedly renew the orders creating the possibility of arbitrary interference in individuals’ private lives[6]

The Egyptian Journalists Syndicate criticized a number of provisions in the law, including Article 266, which prohibits the publication or broadcasting of court proceedings without written permission from the presiding judge. The Syndicate argued that the provision imposes broad restrictions on press coverage and undermines the principle of public trials. Article 9 also drew criticism because it prevents victims from filing direct criminal complaints against public officials and law enforcement officers, which constitutes an entrenchment of the policy of impunity.[7]

In response to growing criticism, the President returned the draft law to Parliament in September 2025 for reconsideration of several provisions. However, the amendments adopted by Parliament were limited in scope.[8]

Second: Growing Protest Activity

The year 2025 witnessed a notable increase in protest activity amid what is widely regarded as Egypt’s most severe economic crisis in decades. Since 2022, the country has experienced three successive currency devaluations, during which the Egyptian pound lost more than two thirds of its value against the U.S. dollar. At the same time, inflation reached unprecedented levels, and the prices of essential goods rose several times within a short period. These developments led to a sharp erosion of real wages and significantly weakened the purchasing power of large segments of society, particularly among workers and the middle class.

As a result, economic demands reached unprecedented levels, with wage related grievances and delayed payments becoming the primary drivers of most protest activities. Social discontent was no longer limited to the private sector but extended significantly into state institutions themselves. Public sector employees were responsible for 481 protest actions, most of which took place in the water and public services sectors. This trend carries important political implications, as protests within state institutions suggest an erosion of traditional patterns of institutional loyalty under the pressure of economic hardship.[9]

In the private sector, protests were concentrated in the production and service industries, driven by the failure to implement the minimum wage and delays in the payment of financial entitlements. It also became evident that the new Labor Law No. 14 of 2025, which entered into force in September, had little practical impact on workers’ conditions. November alone recorded the highest number of labor protests during the year.[10]

The year 2025 also marked a qualitative shift in the nature of protest activity itself. Street demonstrations and sit ins increased significantly compared to previous years, reflecting a decline in public reluctance to engage in direct protest in public spaces, despite the continued restrictive security environment that has prevailed since 2013.[11]

Within this broader context, lawyers and journalists emerged as a distinct and influential protest bloc. During the second quarter of the year, lawyers organized a wave of protests that included strikes and demonstrations. These actions were characterized by a high degree of organization and were driven by deteriorating economic conditions, as well as growing concerns regarding judicial independence and the expanding influence of the executive branch.

In the same context, journalists at “Al Bawaba News” staged a sit in that lasted for 56 days, demanding the implementation of the minimum wage. The protest was ultimately dispersed by force, highlighting both the weakness of trade union protections and the continued alignment of official authorities with institutional owners.[12]

From a human rights perspective, the issue of political detention remained a major source of protest throughout 2025, both inside and outside places of detention. The year witnessed hundreds of hunger strikes in rehabilitation and correctional facilities, with detainees protesting detention conditions and demanding the release of political prisoners amid the absence of effective complaint and grievance mechanisms. One notable example was the hunger strike undertaken by university professor Laila Soueif in solidarity with her son, Alaa Abdel Fattah, calling for his release.[13]

In parallel, residents in several local communities continued to protest in defense of their right to housing and access to basic services, as in the case of El Warraq Island and the Toson area of Alexandria. Residents faced attempts at forced displacement as well as security measures that included arrests. The year also witnessed significant protests by cancer patients at Hermel Hospital in Cairo, who mobilized in defense of their right to health care[14]. Among the most powerful incidents reflecting the social hardships of the year was the death of the infant Celia, the daughter of a worker at Nile Linen Group. The incident generated widespread public sympathy and became a catalyst for protest among various sectors of society.[15]

 

Third: Civil Society Under the Restrictions of the NGO Law

Since 2011, civil society organizations in Egypt have faced increasing restrictions aimed at reducing their role in public life. These restrictions have taken various forms, including Judicial harassment, travel bans, asset freezes, limitations on foreign funding, and, ultimately, the establishment of an extensive system of state control through NGO Law No. 149 of 2019.[16]

Although the Egyptian authorities announced in March 2024 the closure of Case No. 173 of 2011, widely known as the “Foreign Funding Case,” after more than 13 years of investigations, this step did not result in an end to the restrictions imposed on civil society work.[17]

While Article 75 of the Egyptian Constitution provides for the establishment of associations through a simple notification process, the law effectively circumvents this constitutional guarantee. It made the association’s legal recognition and commencement of its activities subject to the administrative authority not raising an objection, namely the Ministry of Social Solidarity, within a grace period of 60 days. The law also requires the Ministry to issue a letter authorizing banks to open and activate an organization’s bank account. As a result, the constitutional principle of notification has, in practice, been transformed into a system of administrative licensing and prior security approval.[18]

The law further imposes substantial financial penalties that threaten the sustainability of non profit organizations, many of which operate with limited resources. Articles 15 and 16 grant the administrative authority broad powers to restrict activities it considers harmful to “public order,” “public morals,” “national unity,” or “national security.” These vague and broadly defined terms have been used to legitimize restrictions on civil society organizations. The law also requires organizations to obtain prior approval from the Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics (CAPMAS) before conducting public opinion surveys, field research, or publishing their findings. In addition, it authorizes officials from the Ministry of Social Solidarity to enter NGO premises, inspect their records, and seek the removal of board members, the dissolution of organizations, or the seizure of their assets through administrative courts if they fail to comply with these restrictive requirements.[19]

The experience of the Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression provides a clear example of how civil society organizations continue to face restrictions under the NGO Law. Although the organization was officially registered in July 2023, it took nearly eleven months to activate its bank account despite possessing all required legal documents and obtaining approval from the Ministry of Social Solidarity. Private banks repeatedly refused to activate the account or requested the same documentation multiple times, while continuously seeking additional information regarding funding sources, areas of work, and the individuals responsible for managing the organization. Bank employees also indicated indirectly that the final decision did not rest solely with bank management but required approval from “other authorities,” suggesting the existence of security involvement in the process.

After months of correspondence, communication efforts, and intervention by public figures, the bank account was eventually activated. However, the organization then encountered a new phase of administrative obstruction when it applied for approval to receive foreign grants. The law requires Ministry’s approval for any foreign funding and grants the Ministry up to 60 days to object. Although AFTE submitted all required documentation, including grant agreements, budgets, project descriptions, and internal regulations, Ministry officials refused to accept the application documents and instead required the organization to open a separate bank account for the grant, despite the absence of any such requirement in the law. After the account was opened, the Ministry requested an inspection visit. The inspection was then repeatedly delayed due to an alleged shortage of personnel. The situation later escalated to threats that State Security would be informed because the organization was allegedly “troublesome”.

In November 2025, the Ministry of Social Solidarity rejected both grant applications without providing any justification, in violation of the provisions of the NGO Law. As a result, the organization filed an administrative grievance, arguing that the decision was arbitrary and lacked legal justification. However, by the time this report was published, the Ministry had not responded.

The experience of the Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression demonstrates how the administrative and security apparatus operating under the framework of the NGO Law has, in practice, contributed to a climate of fear and a shrinking civic space. Independent human rights organizations are deprived of essential financial resources and subjected to ongoing administrative restrictions that hinder their ability to operate effectively.

 

Fourth: Universal Periodic Review: Announced Reforms and Continuing Violations

The Universal Periodic Review (UPR) is a United Nations mechanism established under UN General Assembly Resolution 60/251 in 2006 to periodically review the human rights records of all UN member states.[20]

Egypt has participated regularly in the UPR process since joining the Human Rights Council and has undergone several review cycles covering a wide range of human rights issues[21]. Egypt participated in its latest review in January 2025. In July 2025, the Human Rights Council adopted the final report of Egypt’s Universal Periodic Review after the Egyptian government submitted its official response and comments on the recommendations received during the review session.

The Egyptian government received more than 370 recommendations from 137 countries aimed at improving the country’s human rights situation. These recommendations covered a broad range of issues, including torture, pretrial detention, enforced disappearance, asylum, and other human rights concerns. After reviewing and consolidating similar recommendations, the UPR Working Group issued a report containing 343 recommendations. According to Egypt’s official response, the government fully accepted 264 recommendations (77%), partially supported 16 recommendations (5%), and took note of 62 recommendations (18%).[22]

The Egyptian government received a number of recommendations related to fundamental freedoms, detention conditions, women’s rights, the use of the death penalty, the protection of human rights defenders, and freedom of expression.[23] In response, the government defended its human rights record, asserting that no one is detained because of their political views. It also maintained that the Counter Terrorism Law is not used against journalists or human rights defenders. Furthermore, the government denied the existence of torture in places of detention and stated that the National Council for Human Rights enjoys full independence and possesses the authority to inspect prisons. Human rights organizations participating in the UPR process, however, presented a markedly different assessment of the situation.[24]

At the same time, recommendations concerning enforced disappearance received particular attention after Egypt accepted the recommendation to join to the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. This was widely viewed as a notable shift from previous positions, which had been characterized by the complete denial of the existence of this practice.[25]

In its report entitled “The Implementation Gap: Freedom of Expression Between International Recommendations and Public Policies in Egypt,”[26] highlighted the widening gap between Egypt’s declared international commitments and their actual implementation on the ground. The report noted that, particularly in the area of freedom of expression, restrictive legislation, administrative measures, and security practices continue to hinder the translation of international recommendations into effective public policies.[27]

 

Fifth: Parliamentary Elections: Security Agencies Shape the Political Landscape

Egypt’s 2025 parliamentary elections took place within a highly restrictive political environment marked by years of declining political pluralism, an erosion of public sphere, and continued pressure on political parties and opposition groups. At the same time, executive and security institutions continued to expand their influence over political life. Within this context, political parties played an increasingly limited role and saw their ability to mobilize supporters and influence public affairs weaken considerably. Meanwhile, large areas of independent political and media activity remained closed, directly undermining meaningful electoral competition.[28] Opportunities to run for office and compete in the elections became closely tied to arrangements and power balances established by the authorities, whether through party lists or individual candidacies.[29]

The closed list electoral system further reinforced this reality by creating an electoral framework whose outcomes were largely predetermined. This was particularly evident through the “National List for Egypt” alliance, which brought together pro government parties alongside several opposition parties in the absence of competing electoral lists. As a result, opposition parties were largely confined to contesting a limited number of individual seats within an electoral environment that was both restrictive and pre-determined.[30]

However, despite this political closure, the elections remained politically significant, especially given the possibility of changes to the political system in the years ahead.

The electoral process was accompanied by a widespread wave of annulled results and repeat voting in dozens of constituencies. Following the first and second rounds of voting in November 2025, the results in a significant number of districts were invalidated, and elections were rerun in multiple constituencies after a growing number of legal appeals and allegations concerning irregularities in voting and vote counting procedures.ndscape may undergo further changes in the coming years.[31]

The electoral process was accompanied by a widespread wave of annulled results and repeat voting in dozens of constituencies. Following the first and second rounds of voting in November 2025, the results in a significant number of districts were invalidated, and elections were rerun in multiple constituencies after a growing number of legal appeals and allegations concerning irregularities in voting and vote counting procedures. The elections also generated hundreds of appeals before the Supreme Administrative Court, causing the announcement of the final results to be delayed for several weeks. As a result, the 2025 elections became the longest electoral process in the history of Egypt’s parliamentary life.[32]

The repeated decisions to annul results and rerun voting intensified debate over the ability of electoral and judicial institutions to administer the process in a manner that genuinely reflected the will of voters.[33] The final results also demonstrated the continued dominance of pro government parties in parliament.[34] These parties secured more than 72 % of elected seats, while parties identified with the opposition obtained only limited representation. The share of independent candidates increased slightly compared with the 2020 parliamentary elections.

The Nation’s Future Party (Mostaqbal Watan) emerged as the dominant force in parliament, supported by the National List alliance. Opposition representation, meanwhile, remained heavily dependent on seats allocated through the list system, with only limited success in winning individual constituencies. The results also highlighted the continuing weakness of political participation. Voter turnout reached only 32.4%, renewing longstanding questions about public confidence in the electoral process amid the absence of genuine competition and recurring concerns regarding the integrity and impartiality of the elections.[35]

 

Section Two: Analysis of Patterns of Violations of Freedom of Expression

In this section, the report moves from the broader context to documenting violations related to freedom of thought and expression across four key areas: freedom of creativity, freedom of digital expression, academic freedom and student rights, and freedom of media. These violations are not presented as isolated incidents but rather as recurring patterns that reflect systematic policies and practices.

First: Freedom of Creativity

It can be argued that participants in Egypt’s cultural and artistic sectors have become increasingly inclined to adapt to existing restrictions by avoiding areas that experience has shown are likely to trigger security or censorship interventions. Nevertheless, authorities and other influential entities in the cultural sphere continued to impose restrictions on creative work. The Association documented ten violations aimed at restricting freedom of creativity and imposing limits on cultural and artistic content. The following figures illustrate the classification of violations related to freedom of creativity and artistic expression during 2025.

[Tables to be inserted here]

Ban on Participation in the Cairo International Book Fair: On December 31^st, 2024, Dar “Al Maraya” for Culture and Arts announced that it had been prevented from participating in the 2025 Cairo International Book Fair. The publishing house reported that its account on the fair’s online registration platform had been unexpectedly closed, preventing them from paying exhibition fees and completing participation procedures, despite having complied with all financial and administrative requirements since its first participation in 2017. This decision came amid a broader pattern of restrictions that “Al Maraya” has faced in recent years.[36]

On January 20^th, 2025, Tanweer Publishing House announced that it had been barred from participating in the Cairo International Book Fair for the second consecutive year. No official explanation was provided regarding the reasons for the decision. The publisher stated that it had attempted to communicate with the relevant authorities, including the Egyptian Publishers Association and the General Egyptian Book Organization, but the responses remained vague and did not lead to a resolution that would allow its participation.[37]

Musicians Syndicate Bans Singers from Performing: On March 8^th, 2025, the Musicians Syndicate announced the suspension of singer Mostafa Zakaria Mohamed, known professionally as “Muslim,” and prohibited him from performing on the grounds that he had failed to comply with the Syndicate’s regulations. According to the Syndicate’s statement, the decision was taken after reviewing complaints submitted against the singer, resulting in the revocation of his annual performance permit.[38] However, the Syndicate did not conduct a formal investigation before issuing the decision.

In a similar case, on July 21^st, 2025, the Musicians Syndicate banned Lebanese singer Ragheb Alama from performing in Egypt and referred him for investigation after he danced with members of the audience during a concert, an act that some considered inconsistent with established norms. Following the decision, Alama contacted the Syndicate and affirmed his respect for Egyptian laws and traditions. In August 2025, the Syndicate lifted the ban after he appeared before its officials.[39]

 

Arrest of a Writer: In October 2025, security forces arrested writer Hani Sobhi from his home. He remained forcibly disappeared for more than 24 hours, during which his family moved between police stations and prosecution offices without being informed of his whereabouts. Sobhi later appeared before the Supreme State Security Prosecution, which included him in Case No. 7143 of 2025 (State Security). The prosecution ordered his detention for 15 days pending investigation.

Hani Sobhi is known for his literary work, including the short story collection “Rouh Al Rouh” (The Soul of the Soul), published in late 2024, and the novel “A Coffee Shop in Shubra”, published in 2020.[40]

Refusal to Register an Actor with the Actors’ Syndicate: The Actors’ Syndicate refused to register Ahmed Abdel Rahman as a full member of its Theatre Arts Division despite his fulfillment of the required conditions and his previous professional experience in artistic productions. The Syndicate also declined to accept his application documents. As a result, the Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression filed an administrative lawsuit before the Administrative Court (Case No. 96466 of Judicial Year 79) on October 15^th, 2025 against the Head of the Actors’ Syndicate, challenging the Syndicate’s failure to register Abdel Rahman as a member. The first hearing in the case was held on December 7^th, 2025.[41]

Continued Persecution of Poet Galal El Behairy: On August 20^th, 2025, the Supreme State Security Prosecution summoned detained poet Galal El Behairy for questioning in connection with a new case. He was charged with “joining a terrorist group while aware of its objectives, committing a terrorist financing offense, and publishing and disseminating false news and information.”

On August 28^th, 2025, the prosecution questioned El Behairy in a second case involving the same charges. During the investigation, he was confronted only with a National Security investigation report and no additional evidence. The prosecution ordered his detention for 15 days pending investigation, to begin following a decision in the first case.

In October 2025, the Supreme State Security Prosecution referred El Behairy to criminal trial in both Case No. 2369 of 2023 (Supreme State Security) and Case No. 3391 of 2023 (Supreme State Security).

At the time of writing this report, El Behairy remained in detention in connection with artistic works that were critical of the authorities.[42]

 

Second: Digital Freedom of Expression

The Foundation documented 296 violations related to freedom of expression in the digital sphere during 2025. The year witnessed the continued prosecution of individuals for contents published on social media platforms, including criticism of government policies and the practices of security agencies. Social media users continued to face recurring and broadly framed charges such as “spreading false news,” “misusing social media platforms,” and “joining a terrorist organization.” The following figures provide a classification of these violations.

Tables to be inserted here

Targeting Citizens for Critical Online Content: On January 11^th, 2025, security forces arrested Mohamed Ahmed Youssef Allam after he published several videos on TikTok criticizing the President and the government’s economic policies. He was taken to a National Security facility, where he was subjected to enforced disappearance for approximately nine days. During that period, he was reportedly subjected to torture, including severe beatings and electric shocks. On January 20^th, Allam was brought before the Supreme State Security Prosecution, which charged him with, among other offenses, joining a terrorist organization and spreading false news in Case No. 9 of 2025 (Supreme State Security).[43]

On November 16^th, 2025, security forces arrested parliamentary candidate Mahmoud Goweily. The investigation stemmed from videos he had published on his Facebook account concerning security restrictions allegedly imposed on his electoral campaign in the constituencies of New Cairo, Badr, and El Shorouk. Goweily denied the charges against him. The Fifth Settlement Prosecution subsequently ordered his release on bail of EGP 100,000 pending investigation into accusations of “spreading false news” and “misusing social media platforms.”[44]

On November 3^rd, 2025, security forces arrested preacher Mostafa El Adawy following complaints filed against him in connection with a video criticizing visits to Pharaonic archaeological sites, coinciding with the inauguration of the Grand Egyptian Museum. The prosecution ordered his release on bail of EGP 10,000 later that same day.[45] These incidents reflect the continued reliance on criminal investigation and law enforcement mechanisms in responding to critical forms of online expression, including content related to complaints about security practices and the expression of non mainstream views.

 

Targeting Activists and Human Rights Defenders for Online Expression: In January 2025, the Supreme State Security Prosecution summoned Hossam Bahgat, Executive Director of the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights for questioning in Case No. 6 of 2025 (Supreme State Security). The investigation followed the publication of a series of human rights reports addressing conditions of detention, pretrial detention, and the situation of women in prisons. The prosecution subsequently ordered Bahgat’s release on bail of EGP 20,000. Bahgat has faced repeated questioning by authorities over recent years.[46]

On May 14^th, 2025, the Fifth Criminal Circuit of the Cairo Economic Court issued an in absentia judgment sentencing publisher Hisham Kassem to six months’ imprisonment with labor, imposing a fine of EGP 20,000, and ordering him to pay EGP 40,000 in temporary civil compensation. The case stemmed from accusations of “insult,” “defamation,” and “harassment” directed at former Minister of Manpower and Migration Nahed El Ashry. The ruling represents a continuation of the legal pressures and prosecutions Kassem has faced in recent years.[47]

On August 18^th, 2025, the Supreme State Security Prosecution summoned lawyer Mahienour El Masry for investigation in connection with social media posts she had shared or reposted online, including posts expressing solidarity with Palestine and others addressing cases of death in police detention facilities. The prosecution ordered her release on bail of EGP 50,000 in Case No. 6322 of 2025 (Supreme State Security).[48]

On August 26^th, 2025, Karim Ennarah, Director of the Criminal Justice Program at the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, was arrested after refusing to allow security personnel to inspect his mobile phone at a security checkpoint without legal authorization. The Supreme State Security Prosecution investigated him in Case No. 6592 of 2025 on charges of “joining a terrorist organization,” “spreading false news,” and “using an electronic account to commit a crime.” He was subsequently released on personal guarantee. However, the asset freeze and travel ban imposed in connection with allegations dating back to 2020 remain in effect.

In September 2025, prosecutors referred the case of economist and researcher Abdel Khalek Farouk to El Shorouk Misdemeanors Court under Case No. 4527 of 2025. In October, the court sentenced him to five years’ imprisonment on charges of “publishing false news likely to disturb public order and harm national interests.” The case was reportedly linked to articles addressing corruption and economic policy.[49]

On September 24^th, 2025, security forces arrested researcher Ismail Alexandrani. Following several hours of detention and questioning concerning 18 posts published on his personal Facebook account, prosecutors ordered his pretrial detention in Case No. 6469 of 2025. Alexandrani had previously spent several years in prison in Military Felony Case No. 18 of 2018 (North Cairo Military Court) on charges related to publishing information about conditions in Sinai and joining a banned organization, before being released in December 2022.[50]

The year 2025 also witnessed repeated summonses of political activist Ahmed Douma for investigations related to social media posts addressing prison conditions, violations against political detainees, and broader political issues. In September, the Supreme State Security Prosecution questioned him in Case No. 7701 of 2025 over a post concerning alleged abuses committed by a police officer against political prisoners. He was subsequently released on bail of EGP 50,000. In July, he was investigated in Case No. 621 of 2025 and faced charges of “spreading false news and statements” in connection with posts discussing road conditions and the blockade on Gaza, before again being released on the same amount of bail. This followed another case in April, in which he was released on bail of EGP 10,000 after posting allegations concerning violations inside Turra Investigation Prison.[51]

On May 7^th, 2025, security forces arrested film director Abdel Rahman El Ansary outside his home. He subsequently appeared before the Supreme State Security Prosecution, which ordered his pretrial detention in Case No. 1282 of 2024 on charges of “joining a terrorist organization,” “spreading false news,” and “misusing social media platforms.” The prosecution did not reportedly confront him with specific evidence and relied primarily on a security investigation report.[52]

Similarly, security forces arrested lawyer Osama El Sheshtawy in November 2025, after publishing posts alleging that he had been subjected to surveillance, alongside commentary on economic and political issues and a call for a solidarity gathering in support of an Egyptian lawyer who had reportedly been assaulted in Saudi Arabia. The prosecution ordered his pretrial detention pending investigation.[53]

On December 15^th, 2025, writer Ammar Ali Hassan appeared before the Supreme State Security Prosecution after being accused of “spreading false news” in Case No. 10204 of 2025. The investigation followed a complaint submitted by the Ministry of Transport concerning a critical social media post. The prosecution ordered his release on bail of EGP 20,000.[54]

These incidents illustrate the continued targeting of activists, researchers, journalists, and human rights defenders in response to the peaceful expression of their views and the conduct of their human rights, research, and advocacy work.

 

Security Targeting of Content Creators on Grounds of Violating Family Values and Public Morality: Throughout 2025, authorities intensified campaigns targeting content creators on social media platforms under allegations of publishing material deemed offensive to public decency or inconsistent with what authorities described as “Egyptian family values.” These campaigns were frequently justified on the grounds that such content was produced primarily to generate financial profit and increase online engagement.

At the end of July 2025, the Ministry of Interior announced a large scale campaign targeting a number of female content creators. The campaign was accompanied by supportive media coverage and public backing from members of parliament, particularly the House of Representatives’ Communications and Information Technology Committee. Its chairperson, Ahmed Badawy, stated that the committee had participated in compiling lists of content creators against whom legal measures would be pursued.[55] According to the Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression’s report, “From Family Values to Terrorism”, the repeated targeting of content creators reveals a pattern characterized by rapid security intervention and the prioritization of broadly defined moral considerations.[56]

These campaigns also increasingly incorporated allegations of money laundering, reflecting official concerns regarding the financial flows generated by digital platform economies.[57] One of the most prominent cases involved blogger Mariam Ayman El Desouky, known online as “Suzy El Urduniyya.” She was arrested on February 27^th, 2025 following a complaint filed by Al Marakez Al Arabiya Recruitment Company, which accused her of harming the company’s reputation through a promotional video that allegedly contained misleading information. She was subsequently released.

In April 2025, El Desouky was arrested again after publishing a video concerning the theft of her sister’s mobile phone. Authorities accused her of spreading false information and exploiting the incident to increase viewership. As part of the escalating campaign against content creators, security forces arrested her for a third time within a single year on August 2^nd, 2025, following additional complaints related to videos she had broadcast on social media platforms.[58]

On August 1^st, 2025, security forces arrested the female content creators known as “Om Sagda” and “Om Makka” following complaints alleging the publication of indecent content. The Mokattam Prosecution ordered their detention for four days pending investigation. In December 2025, the Cairo Economic Court of Appeal sentenced “Om Sagda” to two years’ imprisonment and imposed a fine of EGP 200,000.[59]

During the same period, authorities arrested TikToker Mohamed Abdel Aty, who operates the channel “Ma‘a Kamel Ihterami” (With All Due Respect), on Augus 3^rd, 2025 on charges of publishing indecent content. On November 29^th, 2025, the Cairo Economic Court sentenced him to two years’ imprisonment and a fine of EGP 100,000 in Case No. 1918 of 2025.[60] The sentence was later reduced on appeal to three months’ imprisonment.

Several other content creators were subjected to detention during the year, including “El Mozie‘ El Farfoush”[61] in June and two young women filmed in the Cairo Metro in April.[62] Additional cases recorded in August involved female content creators accused of publishing videos deemed inappropriate or contrary to the social values. Authorities also arrested “Shaker,” administrator of the page “Shaker Mahzour Delwa’ty” (Shaker Is Currently Banned)[63], and “Modahem” (Mohamed Khaled)[64], both of whom faced allegations of publishing content considered inconsistent with public morals.

Similarly, “Peter Tattoo”[65] was arrested following complaints alleging the publication of content contrary to public decency before being released on bail of EGP 10,000. Authorities also arrested “Khaled El Rassam”[66] on charges related to publishing indecent content, and he remained in pretrial detention at the time of reporting.

Additional cases included the arrest of “Hasnaa Shaaban,”[67] who was detained in Damietta while filming an advertisement and later released on bail, and “Islam Atef,” who faced accusations of broadcasting indecent content through social media platforms. The Ministry of Interior further announced the arrest of several individuals in Beni Suef and Hurghada, including content creators and café employees, on allegations of publishing videos deemed offensive to public morality or inconsistent with societal values, according to official ministry statements.[68]

The campaign also extended to content creators in other governorates. In Alexandria, authorities arrested “El Shehta”[69] and “Halaoulou”[70] in October 2025 on allegations of publishing videos containing offensive language or indecent content, while emphasizing that such material had been used to generate financial returns. On November 30^th,  2025, security forces arrested content creators Khaled El Gallad and Abdel Rahman El Khouly in Damietta following the circulation of videos analyzing water quality and food products in Egyptian markets through their online account, “El Akilans”. After investigating allegations of spreading false information and causing public alarm, prosecutors ordered their release on bail of EGP 50,000 each.[71]

At the judicial level, 2025 witnessed the continued issuance of criminal judgments against content creators and bloggers on charges including “violating Egyptian family values,” “promoting vice and immorality,” and “publishing indecent content” through social media platforms, particularly TikTok and Facebook. Penalties ranged from imprisonment to substantial financial fines, within the context of a broader campaign against content deemed by authorities to violate public morality and social norms.

On January 18^th, 2025, the Cairo Economic Court sentenced blogger “Karawan Mashakel” to six months’ imprisonment in Case No. 17401 of 2023 (First Settlement Misdemeanor Court) after he was accused of publishing indecent videos and inciting vice and immorality.[72]

On January 27^th, 2025, the Alexandria East Criminal Court sentenced the female blogger known as “Wahsh El Kaun” (Monster of the Universe) to three years’ imprisonment and imposed a fine of EGP 100,000 in Case No. 31125 of 2024 (Montazah First Felony Court). She was convicted on charges of human trafficking and exploiting her two daughters in the production and dissemination of videos considered indecent.[73]

On February 24^th, 2025, the Cairo Economic Court sentenced blogger “Rocky Ahmed” to one year’s imprisonment, suspended, and imposed a fine of EGP 100,000. The Cairo Economic Appeals Court later reduced the sentence to one month, also suspended.[74] On March 4^th, 2025, the Economic Court rejected an appeal filed by blogger Hadeer Abdel Razek in Case No. 8032 of 2024 (Economic Affairs Misdemeanor Court) and upheld a one year prison sentence on charges of promoting vice and immorality, and violating Egyptian family values.[75]

The same period witnessed repeated prosecutions of blogger Mariam Ayman El Desouky, known as Suzy El Urduniyya. On September 25^th, 2025, the Economic Misdemeanor Appeals Court reduced her sentence from one year’s imprisonment and a fine of EGP 100,000 to six months’ imprisonment in a case involving allegations of misusing social media platforms, publishing indecent content, and violating Egyptian family values. Her defense argued that the same facts had already been adjudicated before the Child Court in Case No. 1609 of 2024 (Matareya Misdemeanor Court), contending that the renewed prosecution violated the principle prohibiting a person from being tried twice for the same act.[76]

On August 25^th, 2025, the Giza Child Misdemeanor Court sentenced content creator Saja Ashraf, known as “Nour Toffaha,” to two years’ imprisonment after finding that she had produced and published indecent videos on social media with the aim of attracting followers and generating profit.[77] In addition, on November 29^th, 2025, the Cairo Economic Court sentenced blogger “Qamar El Wekala” to six months’ imprisonment and imposed a fine of EGP 100,000 after she was accused of publishing videos containing language and scenes deemed offensive to public decency and contrary to accepted social standards.[78]

These cases illustrate the continued reliance on criminal prosecution and judicial sanctions to regulate online content through broad concepts such as public morality, family values, and social norms. The increasing use of such charges against content creators reflects an expanding pattern of state intervention in digital expression and online cultural production.

Targeting Children for Their Digital Activity: In December 2025, the Banha Juvenile Court sentenced two children to ten years’ imprisonment in Case No. 4240 of 2024 after convicting them on terrorism related charges linked to alleged digital activity. The ruling drew significant criticism from human rights organizations due to concerns regarding the absence of fair trial guarantees. According to available information, the court neither heard testimony from the two children nor allowed the defense to present its arguments.

The case dates back to 2024, when the two children, both under the age of eighteen at the time, were arrested and transferred to New Cairo, where they were investigated by the Supreme State Security Prosecution rather than the competent juvenile prosecution office. This deprived them of the procedural safeguards afforded to children under Egyptian law. Prosecutors charged one of the children with establishing and leading a terrorist organization, while the other was accused of joining it. Both also faced accusations of financing the organization and engaging in criminal conspiracy, despite the fact that the case involved only the two children.

One of the two children, a U.S. citizen of Egyptian origin, was subjected to enforced disappearance for more than two weeks after being arrested while spending his summer vacation with his family in Egypt. He later appeared before the Supreme State Security Prosecution.[79]

This case forms part of a broader pattern documented by human rights organizations concerning the targeting of children for their online activities through electronic gaming platforms. Human rights groups reported that at least 15 children between the ages of 12 and 17 were arrested within a single year on terrorism related charges linked to their communications through online games such as PUBG.[80]

It is worth noting that 2025 also witnessed a marked escalation in judicial and security measures affecting freedom of religion, belief, and religious expression in Egypt, either through prosecutions for alleged contempt of religion, the targeting of individuals for expressing views concerning religious matters, or actions against members of unrecognized religious groups.

On February 9^th, 2025, the Boulaq El Dakrour Misdemeanor Court sentenced YouTuber Ahmed El Sayed El Mandouh, known online as “Ahmed Spider,” to three years’ imprisonment in Case No. 27319 of 2024 after convicting him of contempt of Islam and mocking Islamic Sharee’ah.[81]

In June 2025, the Court of Cassation upheld a judgment against Kirollos Nashed, an assistant lecturer at the Faculty of Engineering of Menoufia University. The court affirmed a six month suspended prison sentence, a fine of EGP 100,000, and compensation of EGP 20,000, following accusations of deliberately disturbing Bishop Benjamin of Menoufia and misusing means of communication.[82]

On August 30^th, 2025, the Economic Court sentenced YouTuber Hisham El Masry to six months’ imprisonment, imposed a fine of EGP 20,000, and ordered him to pay EGP 10,000 in civil compensation on charges of misusing social media platforms. The case originated from Complaint No. 23151 of 2024, in which a lawyer accused El Masry of contempt of religions.[83]

Blogger Sherif Gaber was arrested in November 2025 and appeared before the Supreme State Security Prosecution on December 29^th, following a period of enforced disappearance. Prosecutors charged him with “joining a group established in violation of the law” and “contempt of religions.” Gaber had previously been convicted in three similar cases, the most recent of which resulted in a five year prison sentence issued in 2024.[84] In a similar case, security forces arrested Augustinus Sam’aan at his home on October 1^st, 2025 and subjected him to enforced disappearance for nine days before presenting him before the Basateen Prosecution in Case No. 21896 of 2025 (Basateen Misdemeanor Court). On January 3^rd, 2026, he was sentenced to five years’ imprisonment with labor on charges of contempt of religions.[85]

On September 13^th, 2025, authorities arrested Maged Zakaria Abdel Rahman, known online as “Mufti Al Insaneyya”, (The Mufti of Humanity), who appeared before the Supreme State Security Prosecution ten days after his arrest. Investigations also extended to several individuals who had appeared on his YouTube program or published content through online groups, including the “Arab Atheists Network and Forum.” These cases were investigated under Case No. 6954 of 2025 (Supreme State Security).[86]

March 2025 also witnessed a security campaign targeting followers of the “Ahmadi Religion of Peace and Light.” The campaign resulted in the arrest of at least 17 followers across several governorates, including Syrian refugees. In April, a number of those arrested appeared before the Supreme State Security Prosecution in Case No. 2025 of 2025, where they were charged with “joining a group established in violation of the law.”[87] Similarly, security forces arrested at least 14 non religious individuals or persons holding non mainstream beliefs because of opinions they had expressed on social media platforms. Several were subjected to enforced disappearance before appearing before the Supreme State Security Prosecution, which brought against them the same charges under Case No. 6954 of 2025.[88]

 

Third: Academic Freedom and Student Rights

The year 2025 witnessed the continued targeting of academics, researchers, and former student leaders. The Foundation documented six violations, including referrals to criminal trials in cases with political and security nature, disciplinary and administrative measures within universities, and restrictions on academic and professional opportunities justified on the basis of alleged “security objections.” The following charts provide a classification of these violations.

Tables to be inserted here

Continued Targeting of Researchers Residing Abroad: The Supreme State Security Prosecution referred researcher Taqadom El Khatib, along with several co defendants, to criminal trial in Case No. 29 of 2025 (Fifth Settlement Felony Court) on charges of joining a terrorist organization and participating in a criminal conspiracy. El Khatib has lived outside Egypt since August 2013; however, he has been subjected to a series of arbitrary measures since 2017. These measures included the termination of his doctoral scholarship, followed by the termination of his employment at his university in Egypt. A judicial ruling subsequently required him to repay the value of the scholarship to the state treasury. He has also faced persistent administrative and legal obstacles in obtaining official documents, including a passport and national identity card.[89]

Referral of Academic Ahmed El Tuhami to Criminal Trial:  Ahmed El Tuhami, who has remained in pretrial detention for several years, faces charges including joining a terrorist organization, spreading false news and statements, and misusing social media platforms. The charges are linked to his academic work on issues of democratic transition. On January 13^th, 2025, the Supreme State Security Prosecution referred him to criminal trial on charges of assuming a leadership role within a terrorist organization and participating in a criminal agreement intended to facilitate the commission of a terrorist offense. On December 17^th, 2025, the Second Terrorism Circuit of the Criminal Court postponed consideration of the case until February 7^th, 2026 due to the authorities’ failure to transfer him from his place of detention to the court.[90]

University Professor Referred for Investigation over Media Program: On March 2025, Al Azhar University referred Dr. Mabrouk Attia, Professor Emeritus of Linguistics at the Faculty of Islamic and Arabic Studies for Men in Cairo, for investigation in connection with his Ramadan program “Kalam Mabrouk”, which is broadcast through social media platforms. The referral followed widespread controversy surrounding the program’s hosting of several actors and singers.[91]

Cairo University Refuses Teaching Assistant Appointment on Security Grounds: The Faculty of Dentistry at Cairo University declined to appoint a graduate represented by the Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression as a teaching assistant, citing an alleged “security objection,” despite her fulfillment of all legal requirements for appointment. In response, the Association filed Administrative Court Appeal No. 5117 of Judicial Year 71 against Cairo University and the Faculty of Dentistry, challenging the decision to bypass her appointment. The court repeatedly adjourned the case until January 28^th, 2025, when it issued a judgment annulling the university’s decision. The court affirmed that an individual who has satisfied all legally prescribed requirements may not be denied appointment on security grounds. Despite the ruling, Cairo University failed to implement the judgment and instead filed an appeal on December 28^th, 2025 before the Appellate Administrative Circuit in Appeal No. 4545 of Judicial Year 75, seeking its reversal.[92]

Continued Targeting of Former Student Leader Moaz El Sharkawy: On June 24^th, 2025, the Second Terrorism Circuit at the Badr Courts Complex sentenced former Tanta University student leader Moaz El Sharkawy to ten years of rigorous imprisonment alongside 19 other defendants, several of which received life sentences after being convicted of joining a terrorist organization and financing terrorism in Case No. 13330 of 2023 (Marg Felony Court). The court additionally ordered El Sharkawy’s inclusion on the official terrorist entities list in lieu of imposing another supplementary penalty, such as post release police supervision for a period of five years[93]. El Sharkawy has been subjected to a prolonged pattern of violations and prosecutions linked to his student and political activities at university, a pattern that dates back to April 2018.[94]

These cases reflect the continued restrictions imposed on academic freedom and student rights in Egypt. They further illustrate the persistence of security based interventions affecting academic careers, research activities, university appointments, and student activism, often through criminal proceedings, disciplinary measures, or administrative decisions justified on security grounds.

 

Fourth: Freedom of the Media

During 2025, the report documented 171 violations affecting freedom of the media. These violations took multiple forms targeting journalists and independent media outlets through a variety of mechanisms, including the blocking of independent news websites, the increasing intervention of the Supreme Council for Media Regulation through fines, suspension orders, and bans on media appearances, as well as the continuation of judicial and security related measures against journalists in connection with their reporting. The year also witnessed incidents involving restrictions on field coverage during elections and official events. The following figures provide a classification of these violations.

Tables to be inserted here

 

Blocking of News Websites: On February 15^th, 2025, the independent news platform “Zawia Thalitha” (Third Angle) announced that it had become inaccessible from within Egypt. After several days of technical verification, the website confirmed that it had been subjected to blocking measures. According to the outlet, the blocking was implemented through a different technical method than those previously documented, namely a “reset attack,” which intermittently and randomly disrupts users’ connections to the website, preventing access on a recurring basis.

Zawia Thalitha is an independent media platform that publishes reports and investigative journalism covering political, economic, and social issues of analytical nature. [95]

Escalating Intervention by the Supreme Council for Media Regulation in Media Content: The year 2025 witnessed a marked increase in the intervention of the Supreme Council for Media Regulation against television channels, media programs, broadcasters, and content creators. These measures were justified on the basis of alleged violations of media regulations, professional standards, and codes governing media activity, particularly in sports broadcasting, talk shows, and content disseminated through social media platforms.

On March 4^th, 2025, the Supreme Council for Media Regulation imposed a fine of EGP 100,000 on Al Ahly TV and ordered the suspension of the program “Hares Al Ahly” (The Keeper of Al Ahly) for two weeks. The Council also prohibited broadcaster Ahmed Shobier from appearing on air during the same period. The decision was based on recommendations issued by the Complaints Committee and findings reported by the General Monitoring Department regarding alleged media violations. Two days later, the Council issued a similar decision against Al Shams TV, imposing a fine of EGP 100,000, suspending the program Mal‘ab Al Shams (Al Shams Pitch) for one month, and banning its presenter, Ahmed El Sherif, from appearing in the media for the same period. The Council additionally warned the channel that its broadcasting license could be revoked in the event of repeated violations.[96]

On 17 March 2025, the Council expanded its disciplinary measures by imposing an additional fine of EGP 50,000 on Al Shams TV in connection with an episode of the program “As‘ab So’aal”(The Toughest Question). The Council further prohibited guest Hany ElSalhy from appearing on all satellite television channels and referred alleged violations attributed to broadcaster Musab ElAbbasy to the Media Syndicate.

The Council also imposed a fine of EGP 75,000 on Sada El Balad TV and suspended the program “El Match” for one month. In addition, it issued a warning to Al Nahar TV and imposed a fine of EGP 100,000 over content broadcast through the program “El Arrafa” (The Fortune Teller). The Council’s actions further included summoning representatives of several television channels and online platforms, including the Egyptian Volleyball Federation’s YouTube channel and the television channel “Hiya”.[97]

Additional summonses were directed to officials from Al Shams TV, Zamalek TV, and TEN TV, as well as the YouTube program “Negm El Gamahir” (The Fans’ Star), presented by Abu El Maati Zaki. The Council also held a hearing with content creator Ahmed Fakhry El Hassani following a complaint submitted by the Ministry of Finance.[98]

During the second half of the year, the Council expanded its interventions to include the social media accounts of prominent media figures. On November 17^th, 2025, the Complaints Committee summoned the administrators of the social media accounts of broadcasters Basma Wahba and Yasmine El Khatib, as well as the YouTube account of Abu El Maati Zaki and representatives of TEN TV, in connection with content broadcast through the program “El Primo”. On November 20^th, 2025, the Supreme Council for Media Regulation ratified a decision prohibiting both Basma Wahba and Yasmine El Khatib from appearing across all media outlets subject to Law No. 180 of 2018 for a period of three months. The Council also issued formal warnings concerning their social media accounts. Subsequently, on November 25^th, 2025, the Council imposed a fine of EGP 50,000 on TEN TV over content aired through El Primo, while banning both Reda Abdel Aal and Abu El Maati Zaki from appearing in the media for two months. It also issued warnings to the social media accounts associated with Negm El Gamahir.

On 9 December 2025, the Complaints Committee summoned the individual responsible for managing Khaled Talaat’s Facebook account following a complaint submitted by Zamalek Sporting Club.[99]

Parallel to the measures adopted by the Supreme Council for Media Regulation, the year also witnessed interventions by the Media Syndicate. On March 13^th, 2025, the Syndicate suspended broadcaster Ehab El Koumy from practicing media activities for a period of three weeks following an investigation that concluded he had violated the Media Code of Ethics and the Professional Code of Conduct. The Syndicate also summoned broadcaster Khairy Ramadan for questioning on June 19^th, 2025 based on a report issued by the Media Observatory, which alleged professional violations in an episode of his program “Ma‘a Khairy” (With Khairy) broadcast on Mehwar TV.[100]

According to a report published by the Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression entitled “The Complaints Committee of the Supreme Council for Media Regulation and Restrictive Interventions Affecting Media Freedom and Digital Expression,” these incidents reflect the expanding scope of regulatory oversight over media and digital content during 2025. The report highlights the growing reliance on measures such as financial penalties, program suspensions, bans on media appearances, and the summoning of content creators and media professionals, indicating an increasingly interventionist approach to the regulation of both traditional and digital forms of expression.[101]

Continued Prosecution of Journalists: The year 2025 witnessed the continued use of security and judicial measures against journalists and media professionals in connection with their professional activities and content published through media outlets and social media platforms. Recurring accusations included “spreading false news,” “joining a terrorist organization,” and “operating a website without a license.” Human rights organizations continued to express concern over the expanding use of such charges in cases  involving publication-related activities and journalistic work.

On January 15^th, 2025, security forces arrested Ahmed Serag, a journalist with the news platform “That Masr”, following a journalistic interview he conducted with Nada Mogheith, the wife of cartoonist Ashraf Omar, who had been held in pretrial detention since July 2024. The Supreme State Security Prosecution charged Serag with “joining a terrorist organization,” “spreading false news,” “using a website to promote terrorist ideas,” and “committing a financing related crime.” The prosecution subsequently ordered his pretrial detention in Case No. 7 of 2025 (Supreme State Security).[102]

In February 2025, Libyan activist and broadcaster Nasser Al Hawari was subjected to enforced disappearance after being arrested by plainclothes security personnel outside his family’s residence in Alexandria. Authorities did not disclose his whereabouts or permit communication with his family. His arrest occurred only hours after he had broadcast an episode addressing alleged abuses against detainees in eastern Libya under the control of forces affiliated with Khalifa Haftar.[103]

In May 2025, the Supreme State Security Prosecution summoned journalist Rasha Kandil for questioning in Case No. 4169 of 2025 (Supreme State Security) on charges of “broadcasting and publishing false news domestically and abroad.” The investigation focused on articles and social media posts addressing political and economic developments. Following approximately eight hours of questioning, the prosecution ordered her release on bail of EGP 50,000.[104]

On  May 14^th, 2025, journalist Seham Magdy was detained for several hours following a complaint accusing her of insult and defamation based on a comment she had posted in a Facebook group for journalists. According to her, she was taken to El Zawya EL Hamra Police Station without the presentation of an arrest warrant or official summons. She was released late at night following the intervention of Journalists Syndicate President Khaled El Balshy and several members of the Syndicate’s board.[105]

In June 2025, the Dokki Prosecution investigated journalists Mahmoud Sabra and Mahmoud El Dabaa in Case No. 3794 of 2025 (Dokki Administrative Case) following a complaint submitted by businessman Ahmed Abou Hashima. The complaint accused them of “spreading false news and defamation” in relation to reports published by “Al Safha Al Oula” (The First Page). The prosecution ordered their release on financial guarantees ranging from EGP 5,000 to EGP 10,000.[106]

August 2025, witnessed the summoning of Lina Attalah, Editor in Chief of Mada Masr for questioning before the Supreme State Security Prosecution in Case No. 6182 of 2025. The investigation stemmed from a report entitled “Badr 3: Where Prisoners Face a Slow Death,” which examined complaints regarding conditions inside Badr 3 Prison. Prosecutors charged Attalah with “operating a website without a license” and “publishing false news with the intent of undermining stability.” She was subsequently released on bail of EGP 30,000.[107]

In October, security forces rearrested journalist Safaa El Korbeigy less than one year after her release from a previous period of pretrial detention. The Supreme State Security Prosecution investigated her in Case No. 7256 of 2025 on charges including “joining a terrorist organization” and “spreading false news.” The investigation was reportedly based on a Facebook post discussing the displacement of residents from parts of Matrouh Governorate. During the same month, prosecutors summoned journalist Mohamed Taher of “Al Akhbar Al Masa’I” for questioning regarding a complaint linked to his reporting on the alleged theft of a bracelet from the Egyptian Museum. He was later released on bail of EGP 2,000.[108]

In December, security forces arrested journalist Ahmed Refaat, Editor in Chief of the news website Egyptec, and Monzer El Khalali, Chairman of the company that owns the website, following raids on their homes. The arrests were linked to a complaint concerning the publication of statements attributed to the head of the Poultry Division regarding the circulation of spoiled poultry products. Prosecutors charged Refaat with “spreading false news,” while El Khalali faced an additional accusation of “operating a website without a license.” Both were released on bail of EGP 20,000 each.[109]

 

Restrictions on Media Coverage: The year 2025 witnessed multiple incidents in which journalists were prevented from conducting field reporting or faced restrictions while covering public events, elections, and official visits. These incidents reflect the continuing obstacles encountered by journalists in the course of their professional work. On February 22^nd, 2025, journalist Hatem Dawoud, a correspondent for Masr Times in Kafr El Sheikh Governorate, was prevented from conducting an interview with the newly appointed Governor of Kafr El Sheikh, Eng. Ibrahim Makki, despite having received an official invitation to attend an introductory meeting between the governor and a number of journalists.[110]

On February 27^th, 2025, journalist Sameh El Mughazy of “Veto” newspaper was prevented from covering elections for the Sharqia Engineers Syndicate branch after the official supervising the electoral process insisted on prohibiting photography inside polling stations, permitting journalists to film only in their immediate surroundings.[111]

Journalist Ahmed Raafat, a correspondent for “Cairo 24” in Minya Governorate, was also subjected to harassment by officials from a ministerial office after publishing coverage that was reportedly viewed unfavorably by the ministry. He was instructed to leave the hospital where the event was taking place and was prevented from completing his reporting assignment. Following expressions of solidarity from fellow journalists, the Deputy Governor later issued an apology regarding the incident.[112] On August 7^th, 2025, a photographer working for Cairo 24 was prevented from covering the closing ceremony of the National Festival of Egyptian Theatre.[113]

Parliamentary elections held during the year also witnessed repeated incidents involving restrictions on journalistic coverage inside polling stations. On November 25^th, 2025, journalist Dina Samir was prevented from photographing inside an electoral committee in the city of Belqas, Dakahlia Governorate, and on December 4^th, 2025, the Journalists Syndicate announced that it had received dozens of complaints from journalists covering parliamentary elections across several governorates. The complaints concerned restrictions on access to polling stations and prohibitions on photography inside them, despite journalists holding accreditation permits issued by the National Election Authority.

In Alexandria Governorate, several journalists, including Khaled El Amir, a journalist with Veto newspaper and a member of the local Syndicate council, reported being expelled from certain polling stations after the governor had departed, with media coverage subsequently restricted to areas outside the polling centers.[114]

Assaults on Journalists While Performing Their Work: The year 2025 witnessed a number of incidents involving assaults on, and restrictions against, journalists and correspondents while carrying out field reporting. On August 5^th, during the second day of the Senate elections, journalist and correspondent Bishoy Edward was assaulted while covering the electoral process outside the Mahmoud Karim polling station in the Smouha district of Alexandria. He stated that an individual affiliated with the “Nation’s Future Party” attempted to prevent him from filming, pushed him away, and subsequently physically assaulted him.[115]

On October 3^rd, freelance journalist Remon Francis El Masry, a person with a disability, was subjected to an assault and the confiscation of his mobile phone while covering the activities of the Alexandria Film Festival. He subsequently filed a police report, registered under No. 1143 of 2025 at Sidi Gaber Police Station, requesting an investigation into the incident and a review of the hotel’s surveillance camera footage.[116]

On December 25^th, Heba Sobieh, a correspondent for “Al Watan” newspaper in Port Said Governorate, was assaulted while covering an inspection tour by the Minister of Local Development and the Governor of Port Said at the El Hamidi and El Tegary markets. The journalist stated that a member of the minister’s security forcefully pushed her while she was conducting a live broadcast.[117]

The foregoing demonstrates that violations of the right to freedom of expression continue to be committed by the authorities and affect a variety of professional sectors and geographic areas. This reflects the scale of the ongoing human rights crisis, which cannot be adequately addressed through cosmetic measures alone, such as the adoption of a National Human Rights Strategy.

Conclusion and Recommendations

A review of the incidents highlighted and documented in this report reveals a systematic and ongoing pattern of restrictions on freedom of expression and other fundamental rights in Egypt during 2025. Despite certain seemingly positive procedural steps, such as reconsideration of the Criminal Procedures Law and the acceptance of some recommendations made during the Universal Periodic Review process, the human rights situation on the ground remains far removed from genuine reform. Accordingly, the Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression puts forward the following recommendations:

• Security agencies should cease practices of mass surveillance and the arrest of individuals on the basis of expressing critical opinions through the internet and social media platforms.
• The Public Prosecution should order the release of individuals held in pretrial detention in cases involving freedom of expression, particularly children, journalists, and content creators, and should ensure that decisions renewing pretrial detention do not become a form of punishment.
• The Supreme Council for Media Regulation and the National Telecommunications Regulatory Authority should ensure the lifting of blocks imposed on news websites and guarantee internet users’ access to them.
• The Egyptian Parliament should review the new Criminal Procedures Law in a manner that addresses the practice of “rotation” (tadweer) and establishes a genuine maximum limit for pretrial detention.
• The Ministry of Social Solidarity should remove all bureaucratic and security related obstacles imposed on independent civil society organizations, including delays in opening bank accounts and restrictions on approving foreign grants.
• Administrations of public universities should cease referring the files of academic staff members to security agencies for screening prior to their appointment and should comply with the executive procedures stipulated in the Universities Organization Law.
• Professional artistic syndicates should cease issuing decisions that prevent artists from practicing their profession and should refrain from transforming their legal powers into a tool for restricting freedom of artistic expression.

[1] "President Abdel Fattah El Sisi issues the new Criminal Procedures Law after it was approved by the House of Representatives and after the objections to it had been addressed," according to the official spokesperson for the Presidency. https://tinyurl.com/4f6v2dt8

Shaimaa Hamdy: “Emergency Parliamentary Session: The Criminal Procedures Law Returns for Discussion by Order of the President.” Zawia Thalitha (Third Angle), September 27, 2025. https://zawia3.com/criminal-procedure-law-2/

Mahmoud El Tabbakh: “The New Criminal Procedures Law in Egypt – Why All This Controversy?” Deutsche Welle (DW), October 23, 2025. https://tinyurl.com/yf7vs825

[2] Tarek Gamal Hafez: “Mass Referrals: Egypt’s Terrorism Courts Confront More Than 8,000 Defendants.” Zawia Thalitha (Third Angle), February 10, 2025.
https://zawia3.com/referrals/

"Referral of hundreds of citizens who had been detained for long periods," Egyptian Front for Human Rights, 26 January 2025, https://tinyurl.com/32tjct9a

[3] Shaimaa Hamdy: “Emergency Parliamentary Session: The Criminal Procedure Law Returns for Discussion by Order of the President,” Ibid.

“Egypt: Reject the Draft Criminal Procedure Law,” Amnesty International, 2 October 2024, https://www.amnesty.org/ar/latest/news/2024/10/egypt-reject-draft-criminal-procedure-code/

[4] Egypt – UN Concern Over the Draft Criminal Procedures Law, United Nations, 13 May 2025,
https://news.un.org/ar/story/2025/05/1141466

“Concerns Regarding the Draft Criminal Procedures Law in Egypt”, United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), 13 May 2025,
https://www.ohchr.org/ar/press-briefing-notes/2025/05/egypt-concerns-over-draft-code-criminal-procedure

[5] “Egypt: Reject the Draft Criminal Procedures Law,” Amnesty International, ibid.

 Shaimaa Hamdy, “Emergency Parliamentary Session: The Criminal Procedures Law Returns for Debate by Presidential Order,” ibid.

[6] “Memorandum Challenging the Constitutionality of the Amendments to the Criminal Procedures Law Concerning the Recording of Conversations in Private Places (Articles 80 and 117),” , 24 November 2025.

https://masaar.net/ar/unconstitutionality-of-articles-80-and-117-criminal-procedure/

[7] “The Journalists Syndicate’s Observations on the Draft Criminal Procedures Law,” Egyptian Journalists Syndicate, 12 September 2024, https://tinyurl.com/mudwy9zp.

“The ‘Towards a Fair Criminal Procedures Law’ Campaign: Our Position on the Amendments to the Criminal Procedures Law,” Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, 18 October 2025, https://tinyurl.com/5hdhkc7z.
[8] “Joint Statement: Civil Society Organizations Welcome the Decision Not to Ratify the Draft Criminal Procedures Law,” 23 September 2025.

https://www.amnesty.org/ar/documents/mde12/0339/2025/ar/

[9] Ahmed Khalifa, “A Year of Anger: The Significance of 100 Labor Protests in 2025,” 5 January 2026,

 https://manassa.news/stories/29348

“Labor Protests in 2025: A Human Rights Perspective,” 14 January 2026.

https://masr360.net/2026/01/14/dam-report-labor-protests-egypt-2025-statistics-wages-strikes/

“Protests in 2025: More Oppression, More Resistance,”, Al Ishtraky, 13 February 2026.

https://tinyurl.com/2p9rt6ej

[10] Ibid

[11] “Count of Peaceful Events in Egypt 2025 (Policy Brief),” Open Data Tank (ODT), 

https://opendatatank.org/egypt-event-catalogue-2025-policybrief-ar/

[12] Ibid

[13] “Egypt: ‘Justice Committee’ monitors a hunger strike by politically detained prisoners inside ‘10th of Ramadan Prison’ and calls for a positive response to their legitimate demands,” Justice Committee, 16 January 2025, https://tinyurl.com/25sp4a4k

“Statement on Prison Conditions Over Two Years,” Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms, 8 February 2025, https://tinyurl.com/3jf283r6

“Hunger strike and refusal to receive meals at 10th of Ramadan Prison in protest against prolonged pretrial detention and poor detention conditions,” Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, 12 January 2025, https://tinyurl.com/bdkf5kdx

Mohamed El-Khouly, “Started 287 days ago… Laila Soueif ends her hunger strike,” Al Manassa, 14 July 2025, https://manassa.news/news/25638

[14] 2025 Protests, more oppression, more resistance, Al Ishtraky, Ibid.

[15] Fatma Nasr, “An Infant Dies Inside a Factory in Alexandria… Mother Recounts Shocking Details,” Telegraph Egypt, 13 September 2025, https://tinyurl.com/3zxsyehb.

[16] “Law No. 149 of 2019 Regulating the Exercise of Civil Work (NGO Law),” Manshurat Legal Publication, https://manshurat.org/node/61248

“Egypt: Draconian Restrictions on Independent Civil Society Organizations Must Be Repealed,” Amnesty International, 25 November 2025. https://tinyurl.com/ymhpxu79

[17] Mohamed Awad, “The End of the ‘Foreign Funding Case’ After 13 Years of Repression,”  The Legal Agenda, 12 April 2024. https://tinyurl.com/56zmta33

[18] Hassan Mussaad, “The New NGO Law: Cosmetic Amendments to Improve Egypt’s International Image?”, The legal Agenda, 10 September 2019. https://shorter.me/YU4kK

“Law No. 149 of 2019 Regulating the Exercise of Civil Work (NGO Law),” Ibid..

“The Constitution of the Arab Republic of Egypt,” Manshurat Legal publications, https://manshurat.org/node/14675

[19] “Law No. 149 of 2019 Regulating the Exercise of Civil Work (NGO Law),” Manshurat Legal Publications, Ibid




[20] “Universal Periodic Review (UPR),” United Nations Human Rights Council, https://www.ohchr.org/ar/hr-bodies/upr/upr-home




[21] “Universal Periodic Review​ – Egypt”, Human Rights Council, United Nations,

https://www.ohchr.org/en/hr-bodies/upr/eg-index 

[22] “Report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review,” United Nations Human Rights Council, 13 June 2025, https://shorter.me/xhVvG

[23] “Report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review,” United Nations Human Rights Council, Ibid, 11 July 2025, https://shorter.me/u7s90

[24] “Egypt 2025,” Amnesty International, https://www.amnesty.org/ar/location/middle-east-and-north-africa/north-africa/egypt/report-egypt

Amr Abdelrahman, “Parallel Reality: A Commentary on the Egyptian Government’s Report for the Universal Periodic Review,” Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, 26 January 2025, https://shorter.me/znZTR

[25] “Report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review,” United Nations Human Rights Council, op. cit..

[26] “Implementation Gap: Freedom of Expression Between International Recommendations and Public Policies in Egypt,” Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression (AFTE), 19 February 2026, https://afteegypt.org/research/2026/02/19/40160-afteegypt.html

[27] Ibid.

[28] Halim Heneish, “Parliamentary Elections 2025: A Station for the Reproduction of Power in Egypt,” Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy, 5 November 2025, https://shorter.me/hHf28

[29] Ibid.

Ahmed Hassan, “Re-engineering the Egyptian Parliamentary Elections… New Blood with Old Rules,” Daraj Media, 22 October 2025, https://shorter.me/0z_wi

[30] Halim Haneesh, “Parliamentary Elections 2025: A Station for the Reproduction of Power in Egypt,” Ibid.

[31] “Egypt: Parliamentary Elections 2025.. A Play to Strengthen the Sisi Regime,” Egyptian Human Rights Forum, 9 November 2025, https://shorter.me/IVPWF

[32] Shaimaa Hamdy, “Egypt’s Longest Parliamentary Elections Reproduce a Pro Government Dominated Parliament,” Zawia 3, 11 January 2026, https://zawia3.com/pro-government-parliament

[33] Salma Murad, “Elections No One Believed In… When Appeals Outnumber Individual Seats,” Zawia 3, 23 December 2025, https://zawia3.com/2025-egypt-elections-6

[34] Ibid.

[35] Shaimaa Hamdy, “Egypt’s Longest Parliamentary Elections Reproduce a Parliament Dominated by Pro Government Forces,” Ibid.

[36] “Banning Al Maraya from Participating in the Cairo International Book Fair 2025,” Al Maraya for Culture and Arts, 31 December 2024, https://shorter.me/nlW0q

[37] “Preventing Tanweer from Participating in the Book Fair,” Tanweer for Publishing and Media, 20 January 2025, https://shorter.me/QG7Aq .

[38] Mostafa El Qasaby, “The Musicians’ Syndicate Bans Muslim from Performing,” Youm7, 8 March 2025, https://shorter.me/4HEGO

[39] Khaled ElKurdi, “Ragheb Alama Banned from Performing in Egypt and Referred for Syndicate Investigation,” Al Arabiya, 21 July 2025, https://shorter.me/O3V_9 .

“Cancellation of the Decision Banning Ragheb Alama from Performing in Egypt: Summary of Statements from the Musicians’ Syndicate Press Conference,” Cairo 24, 13 August 2025, https://shorter.me/Cgya8

[40] “State Security Renews the Detention of Hany Sobhy,” Al Manassa, 17 November 2025, https://manassa.news/news/28487

[41] “Actors’ Syndicate Refuses to Register an Actor,” Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression, 7 December 2025, https://afteegypt.org/legal-profiles-2/legal-news/2026/01/08/39872-afteegypt.html

[42] “Statement: Freedom of Thought and Expression Submits Two Petitions to the Public Prosecutor Demanding the Release of Poet Galal El Behairy,” Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression, 6 May 2026, https://afteegypt.org/advocacy/statements-2/2026/05/06/40880-afteegypt.html

[43] “Egypt: Justice Committee Documents the Arrest and Enforced Disappearance of Activist ‘Rivaldo’ and Calls for Clarifying His Fate and His Immediate Release,” Justice Committee, 16 January 2025, 2025، https://shorter.me/5wOow

[44] Mohamed Napoleon, “His Wife Accused Security Forces of ‘Abducting’ Him… Parliamentary Candidate in New Cairo Released on Bail of EGP 100,000,” Al Manassa, 17 November 2025, https://manassa.news/news/28481

[45] “Release of Salafi Preacher Mostafa El Adawy on Bail Following His Criticism of the Grand Egyptian Museum Visit,” Mada Masr, 4 November 2025, https://shorter.me/diBzU

[46] Mohamed Napoleon, “State Security Prosecution Summons Hossam Bahgat for Questioning in a New Case,” Al Manassa, 15 January 2025, https://manassa.news/news/21742

[47] Mohamed Napoleon, “New Six-Month Prison Sentence for Publisher Hisham Kassem on Charges of ‘Insulting and Disturbing’ Nahed El Ashry,” Al Manassa, 15 May 2025, https://manassa.news/news/24192

[48] Mohamed El Khouli, “State Security Prosecution Releases Mahienour El Masry on Bail of EGP 50,000,” Al Manassa, 18 August 2025, https://manassa.news/news/26488

[49] Mohamed El Khouli, “After Two Hearings and Without Hearing the Defense Pleadings, Abdel Khalek Farouk Sentenced to Five Years in Prison for ‘Spreading False News,’” Al Manassa, 4 October 2025, https://manassa.news/news/27507

[50]“Human Rights Organizations: The Imprisonment of Ismail Alexandrani Confirms the Closure of Public Space,” Al Manassa, 27 September 2025, https://manassa.news/news/27356

[51] Mohamed Napoleon, “For the Fifth Time in a Year… State Security Prosecution Summons Ahmed Douma for Investigation,” Al Manassa, 25 September 2025 https://manassa.news/news/27344

[52] “EIPR Calls for the Release of Director Abdelrahman El Ansary and Dropping the Charges Against Him,” Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, 2 June 2025, https://shorter.me/7NWV5

[53] Mohamed Napoleon, “Called for a Protest in Front of the Saudi Embassy… State Security Detains Former Bar Association Candidate,” Al Manassa, 13 November 2025, https://manassa.news/news/28426

[54] Mohamed Napoleon, “Confronted with His Posts from the Last Three Months… Six Hour Interrogation Ends with the Release of Ammar Ali Hassan on Bail,” Al Manassa, 15 December 2025, https://manassa.news/news/29116

[55] Mariam Gaber, “The Interior Ministry Wields the ‘Morality’ Sword Against TikTokers,” Zawia 3, 6 August 2025, https://zawia3.com/tiktok/

[56] “From Family Values to Terrorism: How Egyptian Authorities Are Restricting the Digital Space (TikTok as a an Example),” Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression, 5 February 2026 https://afteegypt.org/research/2026/02/05/40058-afteegypt.html

[57] Mariam Gaber, “The Interior Ministry Wields the ‘Morality’ Sword Against TikTokers,” Ibid.

[58] Abdelrahman Sayed, “Arrest of TikTok Influencer Suzy El Urduneya in New Cairo,” Al Youm Al Sabea, 2 August 2025, https://shorter.me/0ONoi

[59] Ahmed Abdel Hady, “Detention of ‘Um Sagda’ for 4 Days Pending Investigation on Charges of Publishing Indecent Videos,” Al Nahar, 2 August 2025, https://shorter.me/CTZ9c

[60] “Ahmed Nagy, ‘Abdel Atty Was Not Imprisoned Because of the Duck’s Quacking,’” Al Manassa, 30 November 2025, https://manassa.news/stories/28781

[61] Ahmed Abdel Hady, “The Story of the El Mozie El Farfoush ‘ The Playful Presenter’: From Viral Trend to ‘Offending Public Decency’ and Accountability,” Youm7, 20 June 2025, https://shorter.me/ELLV1.

[62] “Release on Bail of Two Girls Who Posted a Video Dancing Inside an Empty Metro Car,” Mada Masr, 22 April 2025, https://shorter.me/U6OcA

[63] “From Officer to Famous TikToker… The Reason Behind the Arrest of ‘Shaker Mahzoor Dala2ty,’” Al Ain News, 3 August 2025

[64] Mohamed Abdelradi, “Details of the Arrest of TikToker ‘Madahem’: Narcotics, Foreign Currency, and Gold Jewelry in His Possession,” Youm7, 2 August 2025, https://shorter.me/7sVH0

[65] Kareem Sobhy, “TikToker ‘Peter Tattoo’ Released on Bail After Being Accused of Publishing Indecent Content and Operating an Unlicensed Establishment,” Youm7, 7 August 2025, https://shorter.me/hxw9r  

[66] Abdelrahman Sayed, “Details of the Arrest of TikToker ‘Khaled El Rassam’,” Al Youm Al Sabea, 8 August 2025, https://shorter.me/z9nk6

[67] Ayman Kamal, “Arrest of Blogger Hasnaa Shaaban,” Voice of Free Christians, 10 August 2025, https://shorter.me/9fxYe

[68] Yosry El Badry, “The Ministry of Interior Reveals Details of a Video Showing Two Individuals Insulting a Girl in Beni Suef,” Al Masry Al Youm, 12 August 2025, https://www.almasryalyoum.com/news/details/3523204

“After ‘Mori Set El Kull’… Arrest of a Network of Female Content Creators and Their Leader in Egypt,” Al Ain News, 14 August 2025, https://al-ain.com/article/3-egyptian-content-creators-arrested

[69] Ahmed El Zoghbi, “Arrest of ‘Al-Shehta’, a Content Creator in Alexandria, for Publishing Indecent Videos,” Youm7, 12 October 2025, https://shorter.me/PpjZf  

Mahmoud Abdelradi, “Arrest of a Content Creator for Publishing Indecent Videos to Profit via Social Media,” Youm7, 11 October 2025, https://shorter.me/r_0Th  

[70] Saber El Bahgy, “Arrest of ‘Halaoulo’ for Publishing Indecent Online Content in Alexandria,” Sada El Balad, 13 October 2025, https://shorter.me/BkCnL   

[71] “Doctor and Engineer… New Developments in Food Fraud Content Creators in Egypt,” Al Arabiya, 1 December 2025, https://shorter.me/S2aWc   

[72] Mohamed Ali, “Six Month Prison Sentence for Blogger Karawan Mashakel for Publishing Indecent Videos,” Al-Ahram, 18 January 2025, https://gate.ahram.org.eg/News/5077629.aspx .

[73] Ahmed El Zoghbi, “Court Reasoning in the ‘Wahsh El Kaun’ Case: She Exploited Her Daughters for Profit on Social Media,” Youm7, 27 January 2025, https://shorter.me/XVmvB  

[74] Ahmed Adel, “The ‘Provocative Videos’ Case… One-Year Prison Sentence for Blogger ‘Rocki Ahmed’ with Suspended Execution,” Masrawy, 24 February 2025, https://shorter.me/7VB6B

[75] Mahmoud Abdel Salam, “Upholding the Prison Sentence of Blogger Hadeer Abdel Razek on Charges of Publishing Indecent Videos,” Al Shorouk, 4 March 2025, https://www.shorouknews.com/news/view.aspx?cdate=04032025&id=9a3cfe8d-c4dd-4516-9b93-63e49fe717e9

[76] Mohamed Napoleon, “Reduction of Suzy El Urduniyya’s Sentence from One Year to Six Months in the ‘Violation of Family Values’ Case,” Al Manassa, 25 December 2025, https://manassa.news/news/29349

[77] Mohamed El Qamash, “Public Prosecution Orders the Detention of ‘Nour Toffaha’ for 24 Hours in the ‘Incitement to Debauchery’ Case,” Al Masry Al Youm, 19 June 2025, https://www.almasryalyoum.com/news/details/3479930

Selim Ali, “Two Year Prison Sentence for Nour Toffaha on Charges of Spreading Immorality and Indecency and Broadcasting Indecent Content,” Youm7, 25 August 2025, https://shorter.me/nSBbk

[78] Mohamed Ali, “Two Year Prison Sentence and a Fine of EGP 200,000 for Blogger ‘Um Sagda’ on Charges of Violating Family Values,” Al Ahram, 9 December 2025, https://gate.ahram.org.eg/News/5349080.aspx

[79] “Egyptian Authorities Must Immediately Cease the Prosecution of Children over Their Activities in Electronic Games,” MENA Rights Group, 28 August 2025, https://shorter.me/sPD-t

“Following the Sentencing of Two Children to Ten Years’ Imprisonment: The Egyptian Network Raises Concerns over Harsh Sentences against Other Children Held in Pretrial Detention,” Egyptian Network for Human Rights, 25 December 2025, https://shorter.me/u8bPa  

[80] “Statement: Egyptian Authorities Must Immediately Stop Prosecuting Children Over Their Activities in Online Gaming,” Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, 28 August 2025, https://shorter.me/fwBeq

[81] “Three Year Prison Sentence for YouTuber Ahmed Spider on Charges of Contempt of Religion,” Cairo 24, 9 February 2025, https://shorter.me/SOc6l  

[82] Mohamed Napoleon, “‘Cassation Court Upholds Prison Sentence and Fine for a Christian on Charges of Harassing the Bishop of Menoufia,’” Al Manassa, 3 June 2025, https://manassa.news/news/24704  

[83] Mustafa Drrgham, “Six Month Prison Sentence for YouTuber Hisham El Masry for Misuse of Social Media,” Cairo 24, 30 August 2025, https://www.cairo24.com/2271462

[84] “Iman Adel, ‘Sherif Gaber and Magdy Zakaria: Imposing Religion by Force in Cell 3418,’” Daraj Media, 31 January 2026, https://shorter.me/DXGj

[85] “After a Ruling Violating Freedom of Belief and the Right to a Fair Trial: Appeal in the Five Year Prison Sentence of Augustinus Sam’aan on Charges of ‘Contempt of Religions’ ,” Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, 5 February 2025,  https://shorter.me/aOG8_ 

[86] “The Security Investigations Campaign Extends to Non Religious Individuals, Atheists, and Those Holding Non Mainstream Religious Views,” Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, 14 October 2025, https://shorter.me/_g26u

[87] “Egypt: Stop Arbitrary Arrests, Enforced Disappearances, and Deportation Threats Against Members of the Ahmadi Religion of Peace and Light,” Amnesty International, 10 April 2025, https://shorter.me/iaNwp

Iman Adel, “Is Freedom of Belief Prohibited in Egypt? The ‘Peace and Light’ Followers Are Not the Last to Be Targeted,” Daraj Media, 20 August 2025, https://shorter.me/fB0oX

[88] “The Security Crackdown Extends to Non Religious Individuals, Atheists, and Individuals Holding Non Mainstream Religious Views,” Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, Ibid.

[89] Khaled Ali, “Referral of Dr. Taqadom El Khatib to Criminal Trial,” Facebook, 22 October 2025, https://shorter.me/Lmctj.

“‘It Does Not Stop’… Targeting Egyptian Researchers Abroad,” Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression, 23 December 2021, https://afteegypt.org/research/monitoring-reports/2021/12/23/27836-afteegypt.html

[90] Ahmed El Tohamy File,” Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression, https://afteegypt.org/legal-profiles-2/legal-news/2021/02/17/20969-afteegypt.html

[91] Iman Kamal, “Al Azhar Refers Mabrouk Attia for Investigation After He Hosted Mahraganat Singers,” Al Jazeera, 25 March 2025, https://shorter.me/JzCjA

[92] “Council of State Suspends Review of Appeal Concerning a Teaching Assistant’s Right to Appointment Due to Non Compliance with Court Ruling,” Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression, https://afteegypt.org/legal-profiles-2/legal-news/2024/12/24/39258-afteegypt.html

[93] Mohamed Napoleon, “Ten Year Heavy Prison Sentence for Student Leader Moaz El Sharkawy…,” Al Manassa, 25 June 2025, https://manassa.news/news/25224

[94] Ibid.

[95] “Statement from Zawia Thalitha: On Blocking, Journalism, and the Public’s Right to Know,” Zawia 3, 20 February 2025, https://zawia3.com/our-site-is-blocked-in-egypt/

[96] - “Supreme Council for Media Regulation: Al Ahly TV Channel Fined EGP 100,000 and Ahmed Shobier Banned from Appearing for Two Weeks,” Supreme Council for Media Regulation, 4 March 2025, https://shorter.me/lomEM

- “Supreme Council for Media Regulation: Suspension of the Program ‘Mal’ab Al-Shams’, Fining the Channel EGP 100,000, and Warning of License Revocation,” Supreme Council for Media Regulation, 6 March 2025, https://shorter.me/uqP_9

[97] “Supreme Council for Media Regulation: Fining Al Shams EGP 50,000, Sada El Balad EGP 75,000, and Al-Nahar EGP 100,000,” Supreme Council for Media Regulation, 17 March 2025, https://shorter.me/8uq06

[98] “Supreme Council for Media Regulation: Summoning the Officials in Charge of the ‘Ahlawy & Zamalekawy’ YouTube Channel,” Supreme Council for Media Regulation, 16 April 2025, https://shorter.me/NdT9T

[99] “Supreme Council for Media Regulation Summons the Administrators of the Social Media Accounts of Basma Wahba, Yasmin El Khatib, and Abu El Maati Zaki,” Supreme Council for Media Regulation, 17 November 2025, https://shorter.me/E8vId

[100] “Freedom of Press and Media Platform! March 2025 Roundup,” Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms, https://shorter.me/eufQ5

“Freedom of Press and Media Platform! June 2025 Roundup,” Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms, https://shorter.me/o2hs0

[101] Rahma Sami, “The Complaints Committee of the Supreme Council for Media Regulation and Interventions Restricting Media Freedom and Digital Expression,” Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression, 3 March 2026, https://afteegypt.org/research/2026/03/03/40217-afteegypt.html

[102] Mohamed El Khouli, “On Charges of ‘Promoting Terrorist Ideas and Spreading False News’… Journalist Ahmed Serag Detained for 15 Days,” Al Manassa, 16 January 2025, https://manassa.news/news/21762

[103] “Amnesty International Calls on Egypt to Reveal the Whereabouts of Activist Nasser Al Hawari,” Al Manassa, 14 February 2025, https://manassa.news/news/22322

[104] Nora Younes, “‘An Attempt to Silence Me’… Rasha Kandil and Her Lawyer Reveal Details of Eight Hours before State Security,” Al Manassa, 26 May 2025, https://manassa.news/news/24484

[105] “The State of Journalism and Media in Egypt: Annual Report 2025,” Egyptian Observatory for Journalism and Media, https://shorter.me/etxce

[106] “Release of Journalists from Al Safha Al Oula Following a Complaint Filed by Ahmed Abou Hashima,” Egyptian Observatory for Journalism and Media, 20 July 2025, https://shorter.me/K-UZF

[107] Mohamed El Khouli, “‘Supreme State Security Prosecution’ Releases Mada Masr Editor in Chief on Bail of EGP 30,000,” Al Manassa, 4 August 2025, https://manassa.news/news/26120

[108] “‘State Security’ Rearrests a Journalist after Nearly Two Years of Her Release,” Mada Masr, 7 October 2025, https://shorter.me/pYFIU

[109] Mohamed ElKhouli, “Release of Ahmed Refaat and Mondher El Khalali on Bail of EGP 20,000 Each,” Al Manassa, 7 December 2025, https://manassa.news/news/28951

[110] “Preventing an Unaccredited Journalist from Conducting an Interview with the Governor of Kafr El Sheikh,” Egyptian Observatory for Journalism and Media, 23 February 2025, https://shorter.me/8gWgC

[111] “Preventing Journalist Samah El Mughazi from Covering an Event,” Egyptian Observatory for Journalism and Media, 27 February 2025, https://shorter.me/kSOY-

[112] “Minister of Health Prevents Journalists from Covering Event After Release of His Statements on ‘Telegraph Egypt’,” Egyptian Observatory for Journalism and Media, 29 March 2025, https://shorter.me/8IxKg

[113] “Preventing a Photographer from Cairo 24 from Covering the Closing Ceremony of the National Theatre Festival,” Egyptian Observatory for Journalism and Media, 7 August 2025, https://shorter.me/0eoD0

[114] “Preventing Journalist Dina Samir from Filming,” Egyptian Observatory for Journalism and Media, 25 November 2025, ، https://shorter.me/hcQsl

“Platform of Press and Media Freedom!.. December 2025 Media Freedom and Press Monitoring Digest,” Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms https://shorter.me/-mnCh

[115] “Platform of Press and Media Freedom!.. Press Freedom and Media Bulletin: August 2025,” Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms, ، https://shorter.me/R-9ut

[116] “Filing a Complaint Against Laila Eloui for Assaulting a Journalist with a Disability,” 24 News, 3 October 2025, https://shorter.me/rdoP8

[117] “Platform of Press and Media Freedom!.. December 2025 Media Freedom and Press Monitoring Digest,” Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms https://shorter.me/eXYI8